www.hopewellnews.com By ALEX BRIDGES News Staff Writer

Even as temperatures warm up across much of Virginia, Columbia Gas customers may feel the cold reality of increased prices as they could begin to see their bills jump more than 30 percent. Columbia Gas announced Monday the company's customers would likely see a 33 percent increase in their utility bill starting in March and depending on how much gas they use, consumers will feel that cost increase. Columbia Gas used the example of a current monthly bill of about $106 increasing to more than $140. Bob Innes, a spokesman for Columbia, explained the increase comes as a result of greater usage by its customers during an unusually cold winter. The price Columbia pays for the fuel increased, forcing the company to pass the cost onto the customers. Specifically, reasons for the increase include: • Continued colder weather resulting in heavier than anticipated withdrawals from underground storage facilities. • The sustained cold weather in Columbia Gas’ service territory has been about 10 percent colder than normal for the season. • The time required to develop new drilling of natural gas versus the increased demand is creating added price pressures. • Oil is adding upward pressure on natural gas prices. This is contributed to the Venezuela strike and Middle East uncertainty. • According to the American Gas Association natural gas demand is expected to increase nearly 8.7 percent above last winter’s level. Innes also explained the driving cost comes from the unrest in the Middle East and in Venezuela. "The energy market is being pressed," Innes said. Industries have helped drive up the cost, as well, since many use natural gas for fuel. Ken Schrad, spokesman for the State Corporation Commission, explained the entire energy market has reacted to the problems involving foreign oil. "They had no choice but to pass the cost on to the consumer," Schrad said. Schrad said Columbia files reports with the SCC and looks at both past and future costs of natural gas. He acknowledged the cost of the fuel had spiked following the cold snap Industries often have the capability to switch fuel sources, Schrad said. When oil prices increase, they can revert to natural gas. This switch then raises the demand and the price of natural gas, the SCC official said. Although the company couldn't fully anticipate the weather, Innes said Columbia Gas looks at a 30-year average when determining future prices. Those currently on a budget payment plan with the utility may also be in for a shock: Their March bill may appear about double what it should be. The annual March adjustment is indicating a potential for the monthly budget customer to have their amount double the current amount, according to a Columbia Gas press release. Customers will see their individual account change in their March bills. Columbia Gas has about 47,000 customers participating in the budget payment plan. Schrad said Columbia will work with its customers to allow them to pay their bill to the best of the consumer's ability. Additionally, area social services departments offer assistance through a crisis program; the Salvation Army also helps with Heatshare. Although the company offers the payment plan, "there's an obligation of the customer to contact them" about whether they can receive assistance. Prices may not go down any time soon, Innes said, adding the company cannot predict whether prices will go down.

www.lapress.org Tuesday,  March 4,  2003 Elza Fiúza/ Agencia Brasil Ricardo Soca.  Mar 3, 2003

"Zero Hunger" by 2007 was the promise made by Brazil' s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva when he served up a program to eliminate poverty and malnutrition Jan. 30. An estimated 50 million Brazilians, nearly one-third of the population, live in poverty (LP, Jan. 15, 2003).

At the program launch in Brasília, Da Silva also swore in the new members of the National Food Security Council (CONSEA), made up of cabinet ministers, legislators, governors, trade unionists, business leaders and representatives of indigenous and civil society movements. CONSEA will develop the program in partnership with the Ministry of Food Security and the Fight Against Hunger, headed by José Graziano. The Council was previously founded and disbanded respectively by ex-Presidents Itamar Franco (1992-94) and Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994-2002).

Da Silva emphasized that the "Zero Hunger" program does not just mean more food. He aims to implement structural measures that will combat the causes and effects of hunger, targeting the most marginalized social groups in an effort requiring "the mobilization of society."

Da Silva recognizes the urgent nature of the program. "Those who are hungry can t afford to wait another day," he said. "Our fight against hunger is a fundamental step towards eliminating misery, poverty, the lack of opportunities and social inequality."

Food security, according to Da Silva, can only be guaranteed by increasing food demand, lowering the prices of essential foodstuffs and providing assistance in hunger-related emergencies. To do this, he intends to boost rice and bean production by 30 percent, at the same time creating 350,000 new jobs in the agriculture sector.

"Zero Hunger" consists of 60 action plans split into three groups and is set to be fully operative by August. The three-pronged attack aims to tackle hunger on "structural," "specific" and "local" levels. This involves increasing food production via technical training, assisting families in extreme situations and decentralizing the program to include the participation of civil society and 5,600 municipalities.

Da Silva has committed US$1.4 billion to the program in its first year, including $500 million in state funds and the remainder from other ministry programs, the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and the United Nations (UN). "In Brazil hunger can be represented by a half empty plate or the acceptance of just one meal a day," said Andrew MacMillan, of the UN Food and Agriculture Organization. "In the long run this weakens the people and undermines the development opportunities in a country filled with potential."

"Zero Hunger" kicks off at the end of February with pilot programs in Acauá and Guaribas, in the northeastern state of Piauí. Electronic cards are to be distributed to 716 families with which they will be able to draw $13 a month from state-owned banks to cover their food needs. The cards are renewable every three months, subject to proof of sale receipts.

The program, despite receiving widespread popular support, came under fire from conservatives as well as some CONSEA members, including Mauro Morelli, Bishop of Duque de Caxias in Rio de Janeiro, who can t stomach the idea of controlling what beneficiaries buy.

World Bank officials share Morelli s critique, calling such controls pointless because hungry people do not waste money on products other than food anyway. Conservative commentators have called the program "a political marketing program that sells redemption for remorse."

Further discontent was expressed over the slow start to the program, limited to a small corner of Brazil. "We had to start somewhere and give priority to one area in particular," explained Rev. Carlos Livanio Christo (better known as Frei Betto), Da Silva s special "Zero Hunger" advisor. "Little by little the program will extend nationwide", said the priest.

Government goals target aid such as food banks and public dining halls for 1.5 million families in 1,000 municipalities across the semiarid region of the northeast, one of the poorest parts of the country, by the end of 2003. Da Silva s Minister of Cities, Olivio Dutra, intends to link "Zero Hunger" with his program "Zero Thirst", aimed at bringing an end to chronic water shortages in the same region.

With Da Silva s public approval at almost 84 percent, the new president appears to have the nation behind him. Politicians across the spectrum, as well as media moguls, businessmen, bankers, and trade union leaders, have lent their solidarity and support in the fight against hunger and poverty.

www.globeandmail.ca By JEFF GRAY Globe and Mail Update

For the second year in a row, Vancouver has finished second in a study ranking quality of life in 215 world cities.

The study, from Mercer Human Resource Consulting — a firm with offices in 40 countries — takes into account public safety, political stability, economics, culture, personal freedom, schools, transit and other public services.

Vancouver finished first in the same rankings two years ago, but slipped to second last year because of "traffic congestion" — leaving the top spot to Zurich. The Swiss city ranked first again this year.

In this year's survey, Toronto ranked 12th, tied with Brussels and the German city of Düsseldorf and up from 18th the year before. Ottawa was 20th, up five spots from last year. Montreal was 23rd, a two-spot improvement. Calgary was 26th, up from 31st.

Mercer said Scandinavian cities — which usually rank quite high on such surveys — were re-evaluated this year "on the basis of evidence relating to seasonal affective disorders caused by shorter daylight hours."

Some of their rankings appeared to slip as a result.

Helsinki dropped to 26th from sixth, while Oslo sank from 15th to 31st.

Many of the world's most-visited and most-romanticized cities rank quite low on the quality-of-life scale.

London ranked 39th, tied with Boston, Portland, the French city of Lyon and North Carolina's Winston-Salem. At 31st, Paris ranks behind Calgary, on par with the Australian cities of Brisbane and Adelaide and with Yokohama, Japan. New York ranked 44th.

The worst place in the world to live was Brazzaville, capital of the Republic of Congo. It ranked 215th. Many African cities were clustered at the bottom of the scale, but the Iraqi capital of Baghdad was third-last.

Mercer said the rankings were accurate as of November, 2002, but could be re-evaluated, especially if events in the Middle East warrant.

Ranked on public safety alone, Canada's cities are the safest in North America, the study says, "due to strict law enforcement and low crime rates."

All five cities tied for 25th in the world on this measure.

In the U.S., Honolulu, Houston and San Francisco were the safest, tying for 40th place worldwide. Washington, D.C., was North America's most dangerous city, ranking 107th.

Luxembourg was the safest city in the world; Bangui, in the Central African Republic, was deemed the most dangerous.

Caracas, 140

For the whole list: www.globeandmail.com

news.xinhuanet.com Xinhuanet 2003-03-04 11:31:13

°°°°MEXICO CITY, March 3 (Xinhuanet) -- Visiting Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz warned on Monday that if his country falls, so could Venezuela and Mexico as they also have petroleum.

°°°°"If (US President) George W. Bush succeeds in removing the Government of Iraq, it would not be the only one to fall. Like Iraq, Mexico and Venezuela also have oil," Aziz told the Mexican daily La Jornada.

°°°°The United States imports 15 percent of its oil consumption from each of the four countries, Mexico, Venezuela, Saudi Arabia and Canada.

°°°°Aziz hoped Chile and Mexico, both non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, would remain firm on their opposition to a US-led attack on Iraq. Otherwise, he stressed, "Venezuela could be militarily threatened."

°°°°Aziz said Mexico is a friendly country to Iraq and there is no reason for it to take a negative stance on the Iraq issue.

°°°°Iraq met a Saturday deadline to begin destroying its Al-Samoud 2 missiles, banned because its range may be slightly longer than allowed under UN resolutions.

°°°°Iraq agreed to destroy the missiles because it wants to cooperate with governments such as those of France and Mexico, which are aware that it is necessary to stop the United States from launching a war, Aziz said.

°°°°Reiterating that the Iraqis do not want war, Aziz said that if Iraq and all those groups all over the world that oppose war could coordinate their positions, they might stop a possible attack on his country. Enditem

www.washingtonpost.com By Jon Jeter Washington Post Foreign Service Monday, March 3, 2003; Page A12

 	President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is considering revisions to a pension system that gives full pay to many retired workers. 

RIO DE JANEIRO -- To understand the difficulties facing Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, get to know Carlos Borges.

The 46-year-old Borges is, in his own words, "just a regular Joe" who has put in 25 years on municipal road crews in Rio de Janeiro and is looking forward to retiring 10 years from now. No one, he said, cheered more loudly when voters in October elected Lula, as Brazil's leader is commonly known, as the first working-class president of this country of 176 million people.

But few have more to lose than Borges, depending on how Lula crafts a plan to reduce the generous public pensions that bog down this country's already indebted public treasury.

"I know that there is much pressure on Lula to cut our pensions," Borges said recently over a cup of espresso on a sizzling hot afternoon. "But many people like me voted for him because we felt the previous government paid too much attention to the bankers and the business community and ignored the needs of the poor and the ordinary workers. We voted for him because we see Lula as one of us and if he cuts our pensions, many of us will be very, very disappointed in him."

Borges's concerns reflect the political balancing act that the new president encounters in an attempt to reconcile the expectations of the broad coalition that catapulted him into office -- made up of the poor, the liberal middle class and disaffected business interests -- with the concerns of prosperous Brazilians and international lenders whose disengagement can wreck both his government and the fragile economy he is trying to manage.

The Brazilian retirement system, which doles out full-pay pensions after 35 years of service for many civil servants, contributed last year to a $20 billion deficit in the social security system and represents 42 percent of all government payroll costs, according to government statistics.

Neither Lula nor any of his advisers has made public any final proposals. But economists say that revisions to Brazil's social security system would likely focus on the ample benefits provided to some civil servants, especially the military, judiciary and police, who often receive more after retirement than they did during active service because they are entitled to wage increases along with active employees.

In the best scenario for people like Borges, lower-paid employees would suffer less than Brazil's higher-level public servants and the military, who can retire after only 30 years and are charged less than the 11 percent payroll deduction for most other government employees. Whether pension reform would treat rich and poor equally is one controversial issue. Another is whether a new plan would affect current recipients as well as new pensioners. Top-ranking military officials, prominent judges, diplomats and others are demanding that they continue receiving special treatment.

"Brazilians have no basis of comparison with other pension systems in other countries," said Richard Foster, a Brazil specialist in Washington who publishes the biweekly Brazil Watch newsletter. "Pension reform in Brazil is like health care reform in the United States, indispensable to the long-term prosperity of the country, but nearly impossible to approve because of special interests."

Heloisa Guerra, for instance, has never held a full-time job. She is 53 and draws a federal pension of nearly $750 a month. Under existing law, the unmarried daughters of high-ranking military personnel receive a lifetime benefit following the death of their parents.

Still, Guerra, like many others here, says that the pensions are one of the few tools that the poor and middle class can depend on to stay afloat in a country deeply divided between rich and poor. "Reforms will make the middle class even poorer," said Guerra. "It's going to hurt society."

Brazilian society is mostly poor, with a minuscule wealthy class and a middle class principally located in southern cities. The consumer price index is running at an annual rate of about 21 percent. But a majority of working-age Brazilians are underemployed and subsist below the minimum monthly wage of less than $100.

The president's support for pension reform runs counter to the way a leader of an organization called the Workers' Party would be expected to behave. A former lathe operator, Lula became famous in the 1980s as a trade union leader in the industrial heartland of Sao Paulo state, campaigning for workers' rights in the automotive industry. Early on, he opposed periodic efforts by the government to change Brazil's pension and retirement laws. Since then, his message has been progressively moderate.

"Pension reform has been the 800-pound gorilla in the room for years," said one Western diplomat. "Everyone knows it but Lula may be the only one with the political capital to do it. This may be the first really big test of his administration."

Less than 90 days into his presidency, Lula enjoys a honeymoon with the nation's news media and draws good reviews from diverse sectors. Last month, he told a gathering of anti-globalization activists in the southern city of Porto Alegre that he is committed to their social agenda. He then shuttled off to Switzerland, where he promised a meeting of bankers, corporate leaders and international diplomats that Brazil will not follow neighboring Argentina into default and will continue payments on its $250 billion public-sector debt.

Also last month, he submitted to Congress a budget proposal with $14 billion in spending cuts but also launched a crusade against hunger, introducing a $1.6 billion federal entitlement to provide food stamp-like vouchers for the neediest Brazilians.

He has been careful, meanwhile, to distance himself from presidents Fidel Castro of Cuba and Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, both of whom attended his inauguration as concerns were raised in the United States and elsewhere about his populist Workers' Party reputation. He has found room in his government for politicians such as Henrique Meirelles, a former executive of FleetBoston and a free-market disciple whose appointment as central bank president appealed to the international financial community.

"What you are seeing is a revolution but it's not a socialist revolution; it is a capitalist revolution," said Congressman Fernando Gabeira, a member of Lula's Workers' Party from Rio de Janeiro. Gabeira is a onetime guerrilla opponent of Brazil's former military dictatorship who participated in the 1969 kidnapping of U.S. Ambassador Charles Burke Elbrick.

"The government is not trying to overturn capitalism but to attract more poor people, more marginalized people to the capitalist center," he said.

One indication of Lula's calming influence has been the absence of any dramatic, sudden changes in economic policy.

"He understands that we have to fight poverty but he's practical about it. What's the use of making beautiful speeches about fighting poverty and then not being able to do anything about it," said Eliezer Batista, a former president of Companhia Vale do Rio Doce, the world's largest iron ore exporter, and an informal adviser to Brazilian presidents.

The new administration faces hurdles down the road. Despite his landslide victory, Lula's Workers' Party controls less than 20 percent of the seats in a fragmented Congress and political analysts say Lula will have to forge coalitions. He won a pledge of support on his pension and tax reforms last week from Michel Temer, leader of the opposition Brazilian Democratic Party, who hinted at joining forces with Lula to create a majority in Congress. "We will support and will approve the reforms," Temer said in a speech before the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house in Congress.

It is still early in Lula's presidency. Crime and entrenched poverty are chronic concerns. The public debt is now equal to nearly 56 percent of the nation's gross domestic product. Foreign analysts are uncertain there will be enough money for Lula to accomplish lasting changes.

"He's really done an impressive job of balancing people's needs so far," said one Western diplomat "But will he be able to maintain that very delicate balance on top of a pinpoint? That's what everyone is waiting to see."

• Disarming Central America Was al Qaeda trying to obtain surface-to-air missiles in Nicaragua? After an OAS investigation finds lax controls, Nicaragua's president seeks a regional solution but needs U.S. help.