Adamant: Hardest metal
Saturday, June 14, 2003

After the 2-month national stoppage … what is happening in Venezuela?

<a href=www.vheadline.com>Venezuela's Electronic News Posted: Thursday, June 05, 2003 By: Oscar Heck

VHeadline.com commentarist Oscar Heck writes: The Venezuelan Confederation of Trade Unions (CTV), the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce & Industry (Fedecamaras), the privately-owned Venezuelan TV (RCTV, Venevision, TeleVen, Globovision) and print media (El Nacional, El Universal, Tal Cual, etc.),  white collar PDVSA unions Gente del Petroleo and the Venezuelan Council of Bishops (who often side and support the elite) all ... fully or partially ... backed the 2-month "El Paro" stoppage which began the first week of December, 2002 and dragged on to about mid-February 2003.

El Paro actions included the sabotage of PDVSA equipment, PDVSA employees not showing up to work, employee lockouts by business leaders, partial bank stoppages, attempted school shut-downs, extensive marches and demonstrations (some violent), blockage of major highways and thoroughfares, hoarding and speculation, and a massive anti-Chavez media campaign.

Their hope was that the El Paro would bring Venezuela to a complete standstill ... forcing either the ousting of Chavez or his resignation.  The El Paro failed dramatically, leaving Chavez with stronger support and leaving the Venezuelan economy in shambles.

(Note: The El Paro was mostly supported by the middle-to-upper classes which account for about 20% of the Venezuelan population).

In a general sense, the supporters of the El Paro, were/are unhappy with the democratically-elected government’s attempt to approve and implement much needed reform laws in the agricultural, banking, health, education, commerce and other sectors … e.g., passing and application of anti-hoarding/speculation, anti-monopoly laws and land reform.

Traditionally, Venezuela is “controlled” at almost every level (including the justice system) by a corrupt mafia-like elite that has also apparently backed and financed the massive ongoing anti-Chavez advertising and slander campaigns. All the “groups” mentioned above are commonly referred to as “the opposition,” although they are often not well inter-coordinated.

The El Paro culminated with the "Firmazo" in February 2003 (a massive opposition-led signature collection campaign asking for the resignation of Chavez, the dissolution of the National Assembly, the abolishing of reform laws ... and more).

The Firmazo has not been recognized as valid since it was done without going through the legal channels. About 3 million not-yet-fully-verified anti-Chavez signatures were apparently collected, representing between about 25% of the legal voting population of almost 12 million. The opposition is presently in the process of trying to organize the steps necessary to convoke a legal referendum asking for the resignation of Chavez.

Legally, this referendum can occur any time after mid-August, 2003 and appears to be a complex task. Unfortunately, the opposition as a whole (which has also been plagued by infighting) had been convinced that Chavez would have been ousted by now and had neglected to properly (and legally) organize themselves for a possible referendum … meaning that by the time they get organized, the referendum will take place later than the previously expected date of August 19, 2003.

Now, after all this mess, El Paro, El Firmazo, the sabotage of PDVSA and the ongoing anti-Chavez media campaign, what is happening?

The CTV is losing ground and attempting to halt the creation of a new “union central” ... the UTV.

The CTV appears to be going broke as well.

The CTV, according to the many people I have spoken with during my Venezuelan travels, has never done anything for the “laborer.”

The CTV, whose role should be to protect the interests, well-being and fair treatment of workers, sided with Fedecamaras wholeheartedly during El Paro in support of the employer-dictated lockouts which left thousands of workers jobless and payless.

Now, the CTV wants to retain its role as supporter of the worker?

From what I have seen, the CTV is simply another elite-operated mafia, whose president, Carlos Ortega, is a common without-conscience criminal. I believe that the CTV will (and should) dwindle away to little more than nothing in the near future. Let’s hope that the new central labor movement (UNT) will truly look out for the best interests of the Venezuelan workers who have traditionally been mistreated by the Venezuelan elite-controlled corrupt business leaders/managers and their monopoly-mafia-like practices (threats, coercion, bribery, etc.).

Note: Carlos Ortega, president of CTV, is apparently in Costa Rica and travels regularly to Miami. Carlos Fernandez, president of Fedecamaras is apparently in Miami and enjoys vacationing in Aruba. Now, in apparent desperation, the CTV is bringing up the subject of the “extravagances” traditionally (and often illegitimately) practiced by Venezuelan business leaders and managers, and that they should curb such practices!

Very strange.

The CTV has, for the last many months, entirely backed the Venezuelan business sector and its criminal activity (illegal lockouts, sabotage, death threats, etc.).

Why now?

Perhaps they are scared that the Venezuelan workers can finally exercise their rights to “not believe” that the CTV has a role in enhancing their lives, especially after thousands of its members lost their jobs due to the CTV-backed stoppage, El Paro.

After El Paro … what else is happening in Venezuela?

Now, the chamber of private schools is talking about a reduced number of students attending their schools and a reduced capacity to pay for tuition.

Now, they, who also supported El Paro and El Firmazo, are suddenly feeling the side-effects of their implication in the attempt to paralyze Venezuela! This is no surprise, and can only be blamed on themselves and on the opposition as a whole.

This got me to thinking about the barrio where I live in while in Caracas. The barrio is part of an anti-Chavez opposition controlled municipality. The barrio has a population of about 400,000 where there are only two elementary schools and no high-schools. Many of the people from this barrio are “forced” to pay to send their children to private schools outside the barrio … using their hard-earned-minimum-wage-salaries to try to give their children a better future. (Not to mention that the barrio children studying at private schools outside the barrio also have to pay daily bus fares!).

I asked the people in the barrio why no more schools have been built since Chavez has been in power (it was unthinkable for any more schools to be built before Chavez). Their answer was simple … the mayor of the municipality is completely anti-Chavez and wants to make sure that no new schools are built.

So, who suffers?

It appears to me that two elementary schools for a population of about 400,000 is not enough.

I also wonder at times if the owners of private schools in Caracas are also in cahoots with the local mayors and government officials. That is, keep the number of public schools to a minimum, thus supporting a flourishing private school industry with kickbacks.

Could this be possible?

Maybe the owners of some (or many) private schools were (in the past) also in cahoots with top national government officials. Note: As in most countries, public school teachers in Venezuela are underpaid … which does not help the situation overall.

After El Paro … what is happening in Venezuela?

Many people have been left jobless and payless … mostly the near-minimum-wage earners, the workers and laborers.

Who suffers now?

Mostly, these jobless Venezuelans are pro-Chavez. Mostly, these Venezuelans are those who have to work relentlessly (unlike what the upper classes believe) “just to survive”, having little or no extra time or money to pay tuition at private schools or to enjoy vacations or travel to Miami, Aruba or Costa Rica.

Luckily, the Chavez government has started several “small business loan” programs, opening the doors to workers for a possible better future, which could make them less dependent on “having to work for minimum wage” under the stranglehold of the conventional “boss.”

Oscar Heck Oscar@vheadline.com

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