Posted: Friday, May 23, 2003
By: <a href=www.vheadline.com>Jose Gregorio Pineda & Jose Gabriel Angarita
VenAmCham's Jose Gregorio Pineda (chief economist) and Jose Gabriel Angarita (economist) write: With the first half of this controversial year 2003 coming to a close, qualified analysts using all the available information have made their estimates of what may be the deepest contraction in the history of Venezuelan economic activity in the first quarter of the year; estimates are in the neighborhood of 30% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
These figures reflect the tremendous crisis through which productive activity is passing, which threatens job stability for enormous numbers of workers; unemployment already exceeded 20% in February, according to official figures. Unquestionably this performance was caused by bad economic management influenced by political rather than economic objectives, among other factors. The upshot is the massive social deterioration we are now experiencing, and all signs appear to indicate that it will get worse in the coming months.
Figures from Central Bank experts, though preliminary and unofficial, indicate that the principal engines of productive activity -construction, manufacturing industry, and commerce- suffered contractions of 64%, 35.1%, and 33.5%, respectively. These figures make it easy to understand why a large number of workers in the Economically Active Population (EAP) have lost their jobs or cannot find employment; their numbers are reported to be in the neighborhood of 2.4 million.
- There is no magic formula that will produce an immediate effect, but there needs to be a short and long-term economic adjustment plan that will allow us to reverse course and stimulate a recovery of national productive activity.
The current administration needs to begin by increasing the supply of foreign exchange to the market and truly relaxing the controls as a step toward their subsequent elimination. Unfortunately, all signs indicate that these changes are not among the government's short-term plans. On the contrary, the authorities are talking about a series of policies that have yielded adverse results in the past, such as substitution of imports.
The outcome will depend on the changes that may come in CADIVI's management, to improve on current conditions. Otherwise, the consequence for economic activity and unemployment may be a continuation of the historic contraction we have experienced in the last several months.
Dr. Inequality Bush's new economist has a curious prescription.
slate.msn.com
By Daniel Gross
Posted Friday, May 23, 2003, at 3:15 PM PT
Last week, Kristin J. Forbes, a young Massachusetts Institute of Technology economist, was named to President Bush's Council of Economic Advisers. Professor Forbes has an impressive résumé, but one can't help but think that one article in particular helped put her over the top.
In her most prominent journal article, which appeared in the American Economic Review in 2000, Forbes concluded that "in the short and medium term, an increase in a country's level of income inequality has a significant positive relationship with subsequent economic growth." In other words, after employing various forms of regression analysis and crunching scads of data, Forbes presciently affirmed what President Bush and the Republicans who control Congress have long implied but never said: If you want to put a jolt into the economy, fix fiscal policy so that it widens the gap between rich and poor. By reducing marginal rates and cutting taxes on dividends, that's precisely what the most recent gimmick-laden tax bill will likely do.
But Forbes—who appears to be no relation to the better-known Forbes family of income inequality advocates—is an academic economist, not a think-tank jockey. Her argument, although easily caricatured, has less to do with partisan politics and more to do with an ongoing academic debate about the relationship between economic inequality and growth.
In the middle part of the 20th century, the prevailing presumption was that income inequality was good for growth. Putting more money in the hands of the rich, who saved more, would provide economies with the means to finance investment. Under the schemas of influential economists such as Keynes contemporary Nicholas Kaldor and Nobel Memorial Prize-winner Simon Kuznets, governments faced a tough choice in devising fiscal policy. They could either spread income out more evenly, which would harm growth, or stimulate greater growth by fostering greater inequality.
In recent decades, the accumulated knowledge about how economies performed in the post-World War II era started to undermine this view. Countries in East Asia—Japan, Korea, Singapore, etc.—charted impressive growth over long periods, even as the distribution of wealth remained relatively equal. And regions in which income inequality was both massive and stubbornly persistent—i.e., Africa and Latin America—were perennial laggards. Indeed, the very structures that calcified income inequality—dynastic landholding, corrupt governments, lack of investment in public education—seemed to militate against growth.
In the 1990s, a wave of empirical research found that, in fact, countries with high inequality over a long period of time have low growth. This paper by Harvard professors Alberto Alesina and Dani Rodrik is a good example of such work. When there's a lot of inequality, the median voter will be poor. As a result, populist backlash will pressure the government to enact redistributionist policies and tax capital, thus hurting investment and stunting growth. (See under: Venezuela.)
Forbes' article uses new data and different methodology to poke (tentatively) at this conventional wisdom. Alesina and Rodrik—and many other researchers in the 1990s—took a "cross-country" approach, examining the relative economic performances of high- and low-inequality countries over time. But Forbes chose instead to look at the performances of individual countries over time and investigate whether there was a correlation between periods of higher or lower inequality on the one hand and periods of higher or lower growth on the other. Of course, it's possible that the relationship she detects between growth and higher inequality is more coincidental than causal. As New York University economist Bill Easterly put it: "It's more likely that what she was finding was that there are long waves or business cycle waves—maybe during booms, inequality rises, and during recessions, inequality falls."
Forbes—whose dissertation committee included the avowedly anti-Bush economist Paul Krugman—says she isn't certain about the meaning of her results. She notes that "the relationship is far from resolved" and that it is "too soon" to reach "any definitive policy conclusions." Unfortunately, the Bush administration and its Republican allies suffer no such compunctions.