America's policies in Latin America are of tremendous importance to the strength of the economy and security of our borders. Heritage policy research explores avenues of expanding political and trade relationships with our neighbors to the south.
www.heritage.org by Otto Reich WebMemo #173 October 31, 2002 |
Speech by Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs Ambassador Otto J. Reich to The Heritage Foundation, October 31, 2002, Washington, D.C. Introduction My message is that the United States is engaged in Latin America per force of our historical circumstances and by design. We are connected to Latin America, necessarily and happily so. We share historical, cultural, commercial, even familial ties. Most importantly, we are bound together by shared values. Today, there is a consensus in the Americas in favor of democracy. Elected leaders throughout the Americas, except Cuba—today, 98 percent vs. 25 percent 25 years ago. The Inter-American Democratic Charter makes the nations of this hemisphere and the Organization of American States (OAS) unique in the world because of our commitment to democracy. Geography and commerce also create a bond between the United States and the region. The U.S. sells more to Latin America and the Caribbean than to the European Union; Trade with our NAFTA partners is greater than our trade with the EU and Japan combined; We sell more to the Southern Cone, to Mercosur, than to China; and Latin America and the Caribbean comprise our fastest-growing export market. During the Cold War, American statesmen used to say of Europe and NATO, “We are there and we are committed.” One might say of the United States and Latin America today, “We are here and we are committed.” President Bush believes in the future of the Americas, and our policy reflects his confidence and his vision. This is a very exciting time in the history of the Western Hemisphere. We have challenges. But there are also many opportunities. While we’re optimistic, we’re not naive. Leadership will be critical to overcoming the obstacles to progress. The Bush Administration’s agenda for our Hemisphere has four goals:
Security Security, it is often said, is the first function of a state. To make any meaningful progress, people require safety and the assurance that their work to build a better future will not be maliciously destroyed. In the United States, we also know that we will not be safe at home unless our neighborhood is safe, so promoting security in the region is our first priority. The War on Terrorism Led by Brazil and Argentina, our Rio Treaty partners stated that the attacks on the United States were attacks against all the American states. Thirty-two of the 34 OAS member states have also signed a hemispheric convention against terrorism to enhance regional cooperation in the fight against this scourge. We have been working diligently with Canada and Mexico both to secure our borders and facilitate the movement of goods and services on which our economies depend. Colombia We know that some countries in the region have suffered terrorism for far longer. Colombia faces three terrorist groups supported by the profits of narcotics trafficking. These terrorist groups run the ideological gamut from unreconstructed Marxists to the far right, but the FARC, ELN, and AUC are not popular movements. They are after power, control over territory, and the dollars of the drug trade that comes with it. President Bush has enhanced and expanded our military and intelligence assistance to the Colombian government. Colombia can defeat this combination of narcotics traffickers and terrorists, but it needs help from its friends to do it. They need training, arms, equipment, and intelligence to implement a successful military strategy. Our national security and the safety and health of our people depend on their success. Cuba Any discussion of security in the Hemisphere would be incomplete without mentioning the abiding hostility of the Castro regime toward democracy. Castro’s dictatorship is one of the last unreconstructed totalitarian regimes in the world, and his brutal repression of dissent continues unabated.
Historically, the Cuban government has sought to subvert its neighbors, and even today, Castro supports the foes of freedom and menaces the security of the United States at every opportunity.
President Bush believes that the policy of the United States toward Cuba must be guided by our strategic interests and moral principle. In his mind, the issue is clear. The Cuban government must end its hostility, honor the rights of its citizens, and make basic political reforms before the United States resumes normal relations with Cuba.
Democracy and Good Governance After security, our second priority in the region is promoting democracy and good governance. Democracy is more than a periodic election. It is a civic culture. Public integrity, equality before the law, respect for individual rights, economic opportunity, and healthy political institutions are indispensable. Anti-Corruption The challenge in Latin America is for the leadership class to overcome the inertia of “old think,” as the Russians called it during the collapse of the Soviet Union. There are still too many in elite positions who are addicted to power or believe that recycled rhetoric and discredited ideology will solve the problems of their country. There are far too many in elite positions who have not learned that government exists to serve the people, not the other way around. The World Bank correctly identifies corruption “as the single greatest obstacle to economic and social development.” Many countries in the Western Hemisphere exemplify the connection between responsible leadership and progress.
Democracies in Crisis As you know, there are democracies in crisis in our region as well. In Venezuela and Haiti, the failure of leaders to maintain the confidence of their people has led to violence and instability. The solution in both cases lies in strengthening democratic institutions. Venezuela Now is the time for Venezuela’s true democrats—in both the government and the opposition—to demonstrate leadership. As the Head of State, President Chavez has a special obligation to ensure the proper conditions for dialogue and should avail himself of the opportunity presented by Secretary General Gaviria’s mission to defuse political tensions by lowering the level of his rhetoric, disarming irregular armed groups including the Bolivarian Circles, and providing a safe environment for dialogue free of harassment, intimidation, and violence. As Secretary General Gaviria has noted, the direct involvement of active duty military officers in a public political debate is a disturbing development, not only for Venezuela, but also for the hemisphere, and is not consistent with the OAS Inter-American Democratic Charter. The tripartite facilitation effort of the OAS, the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), and the Carter Center to foster dialogue is the best opportunity to achieve national reconciliation. This is a timely opportunity to resolve Venezuela’s political difficulties peacefully, democratically, and constitutionally through an election. Whatever electoral solutions Venezuelans arrive at during dialogue must be free, fair, transparent, and agreed upon by both the government and the opposition. We are encouraged that the government and the opposition will begin constructive talks next week and that OAS Secretary General Gaviria will facilitate those talks. We welcome the efforts of a group of Venezuela National Assembly deputies that support and oppose the government, known as the Boston Group, to seek a peaceful, democratic, and constitutional solution to Venezuela’s political impasse. Haiti In Haiti, the Aristide government faces the prospect of forfeiting its credibility and legitimacy. The government must comply with OAS resolutions and its commitments to its own people. On virtually all fronts—from a timely accounting of its actions taken with respect to the political violence of last December, to ending impunity, to disarmament, to reparations, to counternarcotics, to election security—the government has simply not moved with enough purpose or effectiveness. We are concerned about the well-being of the Haitian people. We are concerned about the strength and legitimacy of institutions that bear the stigma of the flawed elections of 2000. The primary responsibility for addressing Haiti’s political and economic problems rests with the government of Haiti. It is time for that government to live up to its commitments to the Haitian people, who have as much claim to democracy and economic opportunity as any in the Americas. Argentina Argentina is going through one of the worst economic periods in its history. But we have seen that, despite their real suffering, the Argentine people remain committed to democracy. Argentina is a close friend and ally of the United States and an important partner on issues ranging from regional security to counter terrorism, from the Middle East to free markets and trade. We have seen some encouraging signs of macroeconomic stabilization recently and look forward to Argentina, in cooperation with international financial institutions, setting a course that will lead to sustainable economic growth, an outcome all its friends wish for. Development All of the people of the Americas want the opportunity to build a better life for themselves and their children. It is clearly in the interest of the United States to see that our neighbors have that opportunity. Our prosperity is tied to the prosperity of the region. That is why President Bush is committed to creating the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Trade is the most effective and rapid means to economic development. Only by taking advantage of the efficiencies offered by the global market can the nations of the Western Hemisphere reduce poverty and accumulate the capital they require to invest in their people and their industries for long-term economic growth. The FTAA will create the largest free market in the world, stretching from Canada to Argentina, including every one of the 800 million people in the Western Hemisphere. As you know, we intend to complete negotiations by January 2005 and bring the agreement into force by the end of that year. The United States looks forward to co-chairing the negotiations, together with our partners in Brazil, beginning next month. Brazilian Foreign Minister Lafer, in a recent editorial, eloquently argued that Brazil had nothing to fear from trade negotiations with the United States and everything to gain. Brazil should be confident of its proven ability to compete in the world market. The principal export of Brazil today is aircraft. The United States is its largest market. I believe we can work together to achieve an agreement that serves the interests of all the people of the Americas. Brazil I would like to take this opportunity to echo President Bush’s congratulations to President-Elect da Silva. Brazil’s recent presidential election has been portrayed by some as a repudiation of liberalizing reform on the part of Latin America’s largest country. I believe that is a misinterpretation. There is a justified frustration on the part of people throughout the Americas with the governments that use the rhetoric of reform but fail to deliver the benefits of reform. However, it is important to remember that vigorous private enterprise, encouraged by open, market-based policies, is the best path toward economic growth and alleviating poverty. President-Elect da Silva is not alone in his commitment to ease the hardships that afflict too many citizens of this hemisphere. The United States wants to work with Brazil and our neighbors to create a prosperous and peaceful future for the people of the Americas. We believe that the greater economic integration of the Americas will have an overwhelmingly positive affect. The FTAA will give a powerful impetus to economic and political progress in Latin America, as NAFTA did in Mexico. There is a virtuous dynamic between free economies and free societies. Increased growth from trade generates more revenues for governments to address the problems of unequal access to education and health services, to protect the environment, and to improve law enforcement and security services. By encouraging market-based reforms and greater transparency in economic decision-making, free trade agreements advance political openness and democracy as well. Millennium Challenge Account Our commitment to promoting prosperity is not limited to trade policy. President Bush has announced an initiative to provide more, and more effective foreign aid that is aimed to promote good governance, education, and reduce poverty. The Millennium Challenge Account is a change from our traditional approach to aid. Our goal is to provide incentives for governments to pursue constructive social and economic policies. We will increase our core development assistance by 50 percent over the next three years, resulting in a $5 billion annual increase over current levels by fiscal year 2006 and beyond. These monies will be directed to those countries that govern justly and honestly, uphold the rule of law, fight corruption, invest in the health and education of their people, and promote economic freedom. I believe that many nations in the Western Hemisphere will benefit from this new initiative. Conclusion If we can provide a secure and liberal political environment with economic incentives and opportunities, the creative power of the people of the Americas will be unleashed. The Bush Administration has a comprehensive policy to do just that—promoting security, democracy, good governance, and prosperity. These are ambitious goals, and I am well aware of the challenges we face. But I pursue them with confidence because I know that we have many millions of partners in our efforts to make this hemisphere free, prosperous, and democratic. As President Bush said, the people of the Americas have “a dream of free markets and free people, in a hemisphere free from war and tyranny. That dream has sometimes been frustrated—but it must never be abandoned.”
www.nytimes.com By MARCI ALBOHER NUSBAUM
Being sent to Miami on business is usually a lot more like pleasure, especially when the rest of the country is enduring the big chill.
But brush up on your Spanish. Some frequent visitors say they have trouble even getting around the airport without a smattering of the language. And do not assume most Latinos in Miami are Cuban. While the Cuban population has the deepest roots and most political power, an influx of immigrants from Paraguay, Venezuela, Columbia and Mexico has brought the number of non-Cuban Hispanics almost equal to the number of those of Cuban ancestry.
AIRPORT
If your business has anything to do with Latin America, you can't avoid MIAMI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT, which ranks third in the United States for international traffic. With only one terminal and an alphabet of concourses to navigate, make sure to leave ample time to get around, especially if you have a connecting flight. Built in 1959, when the traffic was 4.2 million passengers a year, compared with 31 million in 2002, the infrastructure has grown creaky. Advertisement
But there is hope. A $4.8 billion construction project is under way, and already two concourses have been transformed into sun-drenched, airy spaces with terrazzo floors embedded with shimmering brass inlays. And a new food court with a California Pizza Kitchen has won praise from business travelers grateful for a break from fried fare.
HOTELS
With refurbished Art Deco gems sprouting like mushrooms in South Beach, arguably the most chic stretch of beach in the country, deciding which one to book isn't easy. Monique Skruzny, senior vice president for investor relations at AOL Latin America, says the NATIONAL (800-550-0505, from $189) is a standout.
"While the SHORE CLUB or DELANO may win points for hipness, I prefer the home-away-from-home feel of the National, where I know I'm going to see the same faces at the front desk each time I visit," she said. Special touches abound, like free homemade strawberry-flavored lemonade at check-in, free Internet service in the lobby cafe and $9-to-$12 meals for the return flight home. Ms. Skruzny also recommends the wine club. "For $20 you can mingle with an international beach set of upscale professionals," she said.
One reason to venture away from the beach is the posh MANDARIN ORIENTAL on Brickell Key (305-913-8288, $250) in downtown Miami. The Mandarin's spa takes pampering seriously. Ask about booking one of the private spa suites with their whirlpool tubs, spa cuisine meals and indulgent treatments. AZUL (305-913-8254, $145 for dinner for two with tip and wine), the hotel's waterfront restaurant with its star chef, Michelle Bernstein, is a local favorite. If that is beyond your budget, the CAFE SAMBAL (305-913-8251, $80), the hotel's more moderate restaurant, lets you enjoy the Mandarin's ambience at a fraction of the price.
RESTAURANTS
When Joaquin F. Blaya, the chief executive of Radio Unica, the only Spanish-language radio network in the United States, entertains advertisers or bankers, he takes them to LA DORADA (305-446-2002, $100), known for its imported seafood. La Dorada's general manager, Beatrice Bajares, says the fish is hand-selected daily at the port in Malaga, Spain, and flown directly to Miami. "My guy calls me from the port each morning at 5:30 and I tell him what I want," she said.
For a more casual meal, try JERRY'S DELI (305-532-8030), a New York-style deli, open round the clock, with more than 500 menu choices ranging from standard deli fare to what Jerry's calls "high-energy California cuisine."
According to Tara Gilani, a local media personality known as "the trend tracker," Miami's elite — from politicians to fashion models — has made the PALM (305-868-7256, $150) in Coral Gables their haunt. "You know you've made it in Miami if your caricature is on the wall of the Palm," she said.
If you've just been promoted or are closing a big deal, Ms. Skruzy suggests NORMAN'S (305-446-6767, $150). For a more intimate setting, she likes ORTANIQUE (305-446-7710, $140) in Coral Cables with its "spectacular Caribbean food."
ON YOUR OWN
With 15 miles of sand, one pastime is obvious. But Miami has also developed a serious art scene. Two collections worth a visit are the BASS MUSEUM OF ART (305-673-7530) and the WOLFSONIAN-FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY gallery (305-531-1001), both in South Beach.
NIGHT LIFE
In a town where even Janet Reno has been spotted at trendy clubs, there is no excuse to turn in after dinner. For celebrity sightings, from Bill Clinton to Britney Spears, the place to be is LEVEL (305-532-1525, $20 cover charge), which Ms. Gilani calls a "banging disco palace, a huge cavernous place, but with enough nooks and crannies that good people can do bad things."
If exclusivity is the aim, then she would recommend MYNT (786-276-6132, $20 cover charge) "It's small and chic and hard to get into, like all good lounges should be," she said.
PRACTICAL TRAVELER; Sold! Travel by Online Gavel
Wednesday, February 5, 2003 – Page A17
CARACAS -- A major thrust of Canadian foreign policy during the 1990s was aimed at giving Ottawa a stronger presence in the affairs of Latin America and the Caribbean. It culminated in the 2001 Summit of the Americas in Quebec City, where a timetable for hemispheric free-trade talks was approved and where Prime Minister Jean Chrétien proudly dubbed the 34 member countries a gran familia.
Nearly two years later, the family is struggling. Economic growth in Latin America is at a standstill, and the region continues to frighten mainstream investors. On the social side, Latin Americans are disillusioned with the harsh market-friendly policies that appeal so strongly to the hemisphere's free-traders. They are turning to politicians who offer at least the promise of relief.
Where is Canada now that times have got tough? A lot less visible than it was in Quebec City, even through the tear gas. "The profile we had developed by the time we finally got to Quebec City is starting to dissipate," says John Graham, a retired diplomat and veteran of postings in Latin America. He chairs the Canadian Foundation for the Americas, an independent (though largely government-funded) policy and research group in Ottawa known by the acronym FOCAL.
Two important presidential inaugurations in South America last month were attended not by Mr. Chrétien or Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham or any other cabinet minister, but by relatively low-level parliamentary representatives. In Brasilia, on New Year's Day, it was House of Commons Speaker Peter Milliken who watched as Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva took office. Two weeks later, Canada dispatched Senate Speaker Daniel Hays to Quito for the inauguration of Ecuador's Lucio Gutierrez.
So what, you say. Who cares about formal ceremonies? Don't we take care of business in other ways?
Yes and no. The usual practice among the Latin republics is for the president to attend such events. Actual political business often gets transacted and, if you're not there with a dance card, you don't get out on the floor. "For the Latin Americans, it's hugely important the level at which you turn up at these things," Mr. Graham says.
A higher level of representation might have stopped Canada from being sidelined in activity regarding the acute political crisis in Venezuela. At talks in Quito led by Mr. da Silva, leaders agreed to form a six-nation group known as Friends of Venezuela to offer support to talks between the embattled government of President Hugo Chavez and a broad opposition coalition. This is the kind of thing Canadians are good at. In 2000, Canada played a key role in defusing a political crisis in Peru, and it seemed natural to offer to do so again.
"We had made our desires known," a senior Canadian official says. "We would have been willing to serve." Yet when the white smoke emerged in Quito, the group turned out to consist of Brazil, Mexico, the United States, Chile, Spain and Portugal. (That's right, Portugal.)
Mr. Graham's spokeswoman, Isabelle Savard, says that, under the rules of diplomatic protocol, parliamentary speakers are considered senior to cabinet ministers, and that Mr. Milliken had productive meetings with several Brazilian ministers. But several experienced Latin America hands have told me that protocol is one thing, and possessing the authority or credibility to take part in intense political talks is quite another.
At this point, it's not clear how important the six-nation support group for the Venezuelan talks will turn out to be. But Venezuela aside, Canada needs to be higher on Mr. da Silva's radar screen -- if only to ensure that the ongoing Canada-Brazil dispute over export subsidies for commuter-jet aircraft is managed without ill will.
In an unusually strong editorial in its current monthly bulletin, FOCAL says Ottawa blew it in Brasilia. "The Canadian government squandered a wonderful opportunity to repair a fractured relationship with one of the most important governments in the hemisphere," it says, adding that "if Canada wants to be included in the decisions that are reshaping a continent, it needs to get into the trenches, attend the high-level events and show the respect that the powers and the aspiring powers of the Americas deserve."
There is great uncertainty this year in Latin America. Venezuela and Argentina are swimming in economic difficulties, Colombia's internal armed conflict has escalated and the bloom is off the presidency of Mexico's Vicente Fox.
It's hardly the time for fair-weather friendship. When you're adopted into a gran familia,it's supposed to be a lifelong deal. pknox@globeandmail.ca
By STEVEN CHASE Wednesday, February 5, 2003 – Page A13
OTTAWA -- Prime Minister Jean Chrétien is lobbying heads of state across the Western Hemisphere to hold a special Summit of the Americas this year to bring a dozen newly elected leaders into the fold, most notably Brazil's Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.
The next regular Summit of the Americas is not expected to take place until 2005, in Argentina. Federal officials said Mr. Chrétien, chairman of the Summit of the Americas process until June, wants an extra meeting of leaders this year to rekindle enthusiasm for hemispheric co-operation and integration.
Twelve new leaders have been elected among the 34 member countries involved in summit talks since the last official Summit of the Americas in April, 2001.
"It's an occasion for the hemisphere to regroup because a lot of things have happened," a senior Canadian official said. "When we left Quebec City, the hemisphere was in good shape, but the year 2002 was a tough year for the hemisphere."
Argentina and, to some degree, Brazil have been buffeted by financial chaos, while Venezuela's economic downturn has been worsened by the battle between President Hugo Chavez and opponents.