www.chronwatch.com Posted by Kevin Willmann Tuesday, February 25, 2003

     Venezuela has been a volatile powder keg for the last couple of months. There has been loud dissatisfaction with the presidency of Hugo Chavez, and some have paid the price for their dissent against Chavez.

     Thor Halvorssen wrote the following for The Weekly Standard about one dissenter in that South American nation.

     VENEZUELA IS NOW an abyss where there is no rule of law. A rogue government tortures innocent civilians with impunity while paying lip service to democracy and buying time at the ''negotiation'' table set up by the Organization of American States. Venezuela's foreign minister, Roy Chaderton, has funded an effective multi-million dollar public relations campaign to smear the opposition as coup-plotters and fascists intent on bringing about violence.

     Jesus Soriano has never met Roy Chaderton or Hugo Chavez. Soriano supported President Hugo Chavez's meteoric rise, volunteered during the election campaign, and is now a second-year law student in Caracas.  His law-school peers describe the 24-year-old as a cheerful and happy young man.

     Soriano, a member of the Chavez party, is part of a national student group called ''Ousia,'' a group that brings together moderates who support the government and opposition members seeking a peaceful resolution to the current crisis.

     On December 6, Soriano witnessed the massacre that occurred during a peaceful protest in Altamira, a neighborhood in Caracas where the opposition has a strong presence.  The killer was Joao De Gouveia, an outspoken supporter of Chavez who has an unusually close relationship with mayor Freddy Bernal, a Chavez crony.  Gouveia randomly began shooting at the crowd.  He killed three--including a teenage girl he shot in the head--and injured 28 people.  As Gouveia kept shooting, several men raced toward him to stop the killing. Soriano was one of the men who wrestled Gouveia to the ground and prevented further killing. Soriano also protected Gouveia from a potential lynch mob that swarmed around the killer.

     Soriano's heroic accomplishments did not cease that day. He became a national figure in Venezuela when he brought a small soccer ball (known in Venezuela as a ''futbolito'') to a sizable protest march organized against the rule of Lt. Col. Chavez. Soriano and other pro-Chavez partisans made their way towards the march intending to engage the opposition members in dialogue.

     That hot afternoon, Soriano kicked the futbolito across the divide at the members of the opposition.  They kicked it back.  The magical realism of the event is evident in the extraordinary television footage of what occurred next.  By the end of the match the anti-Chavez protestors and pro-Chavez partisans were hugging and chanting ''Peace!  Unity! We are Venezuela! Politicians go away!  We are the real Venezuela!'' In one particularly moving part of the footage, Soriano and a member of the opposing team trade a baseball hat for a Chavez-party red beret.

     In one hour this sharply divided group of strangers accomplished more than the high-level negotiation team that seeks to defuse a potential civil war.  Chavez was reportedly furious with the televised soccer match and even angrier that the reconciliation was a product of the efforts of one of his supporters.  Soriano was declared an enemy of the revolution.

To read the entire article, go to: www.weeklystandard.com

www.vheadline.com Posted: Monday, February 24, 2003 By: Paul Volgyesi

Date: Mon, 24 Feb 2003 13:00:01 +0100 From: Paul Volgyesi sanbasan@interware.hu To: editor@vheadline.com Subject: Bedside manners

Dear Editor: The only two politicians I've really seen acting like humans -- versus programmed lying robots (apart of the clinically mad ones) were French President Jacques Chirac when Zidane shot the winning goal at the World Cup ... that great show of humanity lasted about 30 seconds. The second is Chavez, who does it 24/7.

I have no doubt that he's guilty of not employing a horde of 'Yalie' speechwriters but lets it come right out of his tripes. Wherever he's going, he's not doing his revolution out of some ideological manual, the effects of which we've all seen with "applied socialism" (the one that wasn't scientific at all for not having been tried on rats!).

Oh yes! His language!

It's like homosexuality.  Chavez-like language from politicians used to be heard only when the *******s were ordered by courts to release their tapes.

Chavez only brings "bad manners" out of the closet.

But 120% of his listeners understand EXACTLY what he means, and his voters aren't Vassar undergrads anyway.

Besides, the more politicians talk their "bedside language," the more it costs us taxpayers zillions in Champagne and caviar ... and as far as I'm concerned, it's not worth the price.

Paul Volgyesi sanbasan@interware.hu

www.etaiwannews.com 2003-02-24 / Associated Press / (Reuters)CARACAS, Venezuela

A leading opponent of President Hugo Chavez who helped command a two-month national strike was ordered held under house arrest early Sunday pending further investigations.

Carlos Fernandez, president of the Fedecamaras business chamber, was seized Wednesday at gunpoint by secret police at midnight on five charges including treason, civil rebellion and incitement to commit offenses.

Just over 72 hours later, a judge struck down three of the charges, including treason. The rebellion and incitement charges were upheld, said Pedro Berrizbeitia, one of Fernandez's lawyers.

Secret police rushed Fernandez, 52, out of the courthouse to be taken to his home in Valencia, 66 miles (110 kilometers) west of Caracas, while proceedings continued against him.

"We are pleased that it has been admitted that Fernandez committed a crime," said Dario Vivas, a pro-Chavez legislator.

Vivas said he would challenge the decision of house arrest, claiming the civil rebellion charge warrants prison while prosecutors formalize the accusations against Fernandez.

The judge's decision was announced at 2 a.m. Sunday, thirteen hours after the hearing began.

Strike co-leader Carlos Ortega remained at large on Sunday. As president of the Venezuelan Workers Confederation labor confederation he partnered Fernandez in spearheading the work stoppage that paralyzed the vital oil industry and devastated the economy.

Ortega said he was going into hiding after a warrant was issued for his arrest on Thursday.

www.dailytrojan.com William Goodwin Kim Culotta | Daily Trojan

I find absolute rulers terrifying. Of late, one in particular has been weighing on my mind. At the helm of an oil-producing nation, he's guilty of numerous abuses of human rights and restricting freedom, accused of assassinating potential threats to his power, and is alleged to have ties to terrorists. He's a clear threat to regional stability and global security.

I don't have monsters under my bed. I have Hugo Chavez.

While that other deceptive and destabilizing dictator plagues more distant, though no less important regions, the Americas can be happy knowing they have their own autocratic ruler. President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, by imprisoning opposition leaders and, some say, orchestrating the assassinations of dissidents, has crossed the line from bully to tyrant.

In four years, Chavez has managed to undermine Venezuela's democracy, drive a growing economy into the dirt, foment unrest in an unstable region and, allegedly, support a number of terrorist groups.

Long held up as a paradigm of democracy for Latin and South America, major cracks began appearing in Venezuela's political structure at the end of the 1980s. Oil revenues had managed to prevent a fierce class dichotomy for more than 30 years; however, the last decade saw the birth of a populist movement.

Accusations of political corruption and squandered oil profits set poor against rich. Chavez was on the vanguard of this movement. In 1992, Colonel Chavez led an attempted coup with other military leaders. His subsequent imprisonment spanned more than two years and another failed military coup.

Popular support garnered him a pardon before the end of his term and ultimately carried him to election as president, after he assumed the mantle of democracy. Considering his past, one might conclude that Chavez takes, shall we say, a more "forceful" approach to governing. Over the course of his time in office, the president-turned-dictator has been quite obliging and done absolutely nothing to dissuade anyone of that opinion.

The latest child in the lineage of democratic leaders-turned-tyrants (think Robert Mugabe or Alberto Fujimori), Chavez immediately altered the constitution to permit him a second term. Media criticism accelerated the restriction of free speech. An assembly of appointed stooges replaced the popularly elected congress. With increasing regularity, basic republican values were being trampled.

The rise of authoritarian rule coincided with a vicious decline in the economy. The Washington Post commented last year, "(Chavez's) senseless mix of populist and socialist decrees seriously damaged the economy and galvanized opposition from businesses, media and the middle class."

Chavez tried to deflect criticism of his feckless economic initiatives by heaping invective on the upper classes.

Oil officials were described as "living in luxury chalets where they have orgies, drinking whiskey." The hierarchy of the Catholic Church (Venezuela is 96 percent Roman Catholic) has also endured constant attacks, according to Chavez's BBC profile. His recurring theme on his weekly call-in television address and in his addresses to the national assembly is the rift between the haves and have-nots.

Increasing poverty and economic hardship, however, have disillusioned many of the poor, on whose shoulders Chavez rose to power. Things have reached a boiling point this year. Already, Chavez has narrowly avoided an attempted coup by the military (prompted by Chavez's orders to open fire on civilian protesters outside the presidential palace). Rallies that once were massive displays of support now ring with cries for new elections.

Most recently, worsening conditions prompted a general strike that crippled oil production. The bitter fight for new elections and/or Chavez's immediate ouster let petroleum exports fall to 250,000 barrels a day, down from 3,000,000. With Venezuela typically responsible for roughly 10 percent of the United State's imports, the near-anarchy has had an immediate negative impact on our economy, albeit mildly negative.

As if alienating his own people was not enough, Chavez decided to take it to the next level and try on the international community. Besides being a good personal friend of the bearded pajama revolutionary himself, in the summer of 2000, he wined and dined with everyone's three favorite regimes; Iran, Iraq and North Korea.

U.N. sanctions notwithstanding, the-man-who-would-be-Bolivar was enchanted by the desert nations, specifically Baghdad. "His courting of Fidel Castro, Colombia's Marxist guerrillas and Saddam Hussein made him a pariah both in Latin America and in Washington," the Post reported.

Even more troubling are allegations of support for international terrorist organizations. Several high-ranking military defectors, including the former head of the border service, claim Chavez has helped conceal the identities of terrorists, many Middle Eastern, passing through the country. More fantastically, and more likely fabricated, is the charge that he funneled money to al-Qaida in October 2001, in the guise of humanitarian aid.

The testimony of former higher-ups should be taken with more than a grain of salt; however, the claims are entirely possible. Chavez has done nothing to crack down on the drug smuggling taking place in the border regions that directly benefts Colombian rebels. And he has sent members of his fanatical civilian support groups, his Bolivarian Circles (often referred to as "Circles of Terror"), to Cuba for "unspecified training."

His contentious and troublesome history aside, Chavez deserves special attention now as he carries out his pledge to make those behind the recently defeated strike pay for challenging his authority. "Twelve-armed men kidnapped the four victims on Saturday night as they were leaving a protest. They were bound and gagged, and some were tortured before the gunmen executed them, the police said," the New York Times reported Wednesday.

The killings of the three dissident soldiers and an opposition organizer, while perhaps not directly authorized by Chavez, were undoubtedly politically motivated. The Bolivarian Circles have been known to physically threaten protesters with violence. To counter this, some protesters have formed their own armed bands, raising the terrible, if still distant, specter of all-out urban warfare between opposing camps.

Such an apocryphal warning may be necessary, however, as Venezuela continues to destabilize. Labor-government negotiations are on the cusp of dissolving, and the possibility has led many to take to the streets in protests dwarfing antiwar crowds in the United States.

The downward spiral of Venezuela, both country and leader, demands close observation from the United States. Without constant attention to the democratic devolution and the ascension of Chavez the dictator, the prospect of having to a face another Saddamite is not so easy to ignore. Only this time, it's in our backyard.

Editorial columnist William Goodwin is an undeclared freshman. To comment on this article, call (213) 740-5665 or e-mail dtrojan@usc.edu.

www.nytimes.com By DAVID GONZALEZ

CARACAS, Venezuela, Feb. 23 — Defying international criticism, President Hugo Chávez said today that the leaders of a crippling two-month nationwide strike deserved to be arrested and tried as terrorists and saboteurs who wreaked economic and human damage in their failed attempt to provoke his resignation. Advertisement

Although Mr. Chávez's government and the opposition had agreed last week to tone down their accusations and avoid violence, he soon alarmed diplomats and analysts when a judge issued arrest warrants for two opposition leaders on charges that included treason, incitement and rebellion. Carlos Fernández, the head of a business association, was arrested outside a restaurant on Thursday amid warning shots fired by police officers. Carlos Ortega, the leader of a labor federation, subsequently went into hiding.

Early today, a judge dropped the treason charge against Mr. Fernández and placed him under house arrest.

"Assume your responsibilities," Mr. Chávez said in his weekly broadcast, which mixes political discourse, history lessons and populist phone banter. "Don't be cowards. Somebody has to be held responsible for this, for the economic damage. But above all for the human damage, lives that were lost, family tragedies."

He also lashed out at critics in the international community, singling out César Gaviria, the secretary general of the Organization of American States, who has led a delegation that has spent months trying to broker a peaceful resolution to the nation's crisis. Mr. Gaviria had earlier expressed concern over the arrests and urged the government to ensure the judiciary's independence.

"César Gaviria said some things that were out of place," Mr. Chávez said. "Dr. Gaviria, this is a sovereign country. You were president of a country, put yourself in my place. Here there are no privileges of any type."

He added that those countries that criticized the arrest orders issued by a judge said little last April 11 when Mr. Chávez was briefly ousted in a failed coup. He said the jails "would be filled with civilians and soldiers from the coup" if, as his critics insist, he controlled the courts.

Analysts saw the arrests as a troubling indicator of a harder line that Mr. Chávez has taken since he outlasted the strike and left the opposition divided.

"The opposition went too far in the strike, and Chávez got the upper hand and became emboldened," said Michael Shifter, vice president for policy at the Inter-American Dialogue, a research group in Washington. "The problem is that he felt overconfident and went too far. Up to now, he was able to say he did not have political prisoners. This is going to drive a deeper wedge between both sides."

There have been troubling instances of violence. Last week, three soldiers who had declared themselves in opposition to the government were found dead, with signs of torture. Although the police are saying the killings could have been personally motivated, few accept that possibility in the absence of any arrests. On Saturday night, one police officer was killed and several were wounded when gunmen fired on them near offices of the state oil company, which has been at the center of the most contentious power plays.

"We are going to see more confrontations because at this point things look unequal," said Alberto Garrido, a political analyst who has written several books about Mr. Chávez. "He is one step away from crossing over the line away from democracy and installing a government of revolutionary force."

Mr. Chávez has already decreed currency controls and has fixed lower prices on basic consumer goods, alarming those who see him as an acolyte of Fidel Castro. The prospect or further conflict has only increased worries among people who were hoping to see the economy recover a bit after the strike.

Business continues to lag at the sprawling Sambil mall, where many stores are wooing customers with half-off sales. The currency controls have left many of them unable to gain access to the dollars they need to import merchandise. The cashier at a currency exchange kiosk was idle, waiting for the government to pass new regulations. At other stores, workers have been laid off.

"Everything is fine," joked María Victoria Cardenas, pointing to her empty store, where her sales staff sat chatting. "Viva Chávez in Cuba."

Despite the hardship, she said opposition leaders like Mr. Fernández were heroes.

"Chávez is without dignity," she said. "I agree with what Fernández did, so put us all in jail."