www.vheadline.com Posted: Tuesday, February 25, 2003 By: Scott Joyce

Date: Mon, 24 Feb 2003 21:26:00 -0600 (CST) From: Scott Joyce scottrans242@yahoo.com.mx To: editor@vheadline.com Subject: Dear friend

Dear Editor: The entire world is appalled at the extremely undemocratic action of the political imprisonment of those who dare to speak up and organize against Chavez.

The world recognizes Hugo Chavez's excuses for this tyrannical act as a weak.

They do not veil his mentality as a new demagogue and arrogant man who thinks that he speaks and acts for Venezuela.

The millions in the street and the polls that show the vast majority against him do not deter him.

The fact that one is democratically elected does not endow them with the right to act undemocratically.

Chavez has given himself more power than any one man should have in any one nation.

The world and those who love liberty and freedom of expression have every right to speak out against this abusive and criminal imprisonment and witch hunt.

How can one defend someone's taking away another's freedom of speech?

Chavez should have compromised if he really wanted the strike to end sooner. It appears no that he just wanted self-justification to entrench himself more firmly in power.

Communism is a lie that keeps poor people and under power by using hate against the rich.

Hate is never from God.

From someone who loves Venezuela

Scott Joyce scottrans242@yahoo.com.mx

www.upi.com By Owain Johnson From the International Desk Published 2/25/2003 2:33 PM

CARACAS, Venezuela, Feb. 25 (UPI) -- President Hugo Chavez once famously noted that Venezuela and Cuba are sailing together in the Sea of Happiness. This might well be true. Certainly, all the signs are that Venezuelans might want to brush up their raft-making skills.

Chavez's leftist government and the opposition remain at odds despite intensive international mediation efforts. Meanwhile, 90 percent of Venezuelans told a recent poll they believe that the economic situation is "grave," and 43 percent said it will worsen still further.

Those 43 percent are the smart ones. The prospects for the oil-rich country, once nicknamed Saudi Venezuela, are so awful that some businesses are even looking to relocate to Colombia. Despite being in the midst of a brutal 39-year civil war, many business owners now believe Colombia is actually more stable and business-friendly than Chavez's Venezuela.

"I know there are some companies that are already on three-month standby notice to leave the country," said Danay Zoppi, the president of the Association of Chemical Producers. "Businesses have cut salaries by as much as 30 percent and many are working four-day weeks."

Venezuela used to be a magnet for economic migrants from Colombia and nearby Caribbean islands, but the giant lines outside the American, Spanish, Italian and Portuguese embassies show Venezuela now as a country of would-be emigrants.

(Admittedly, the long line has disappeared at least briefly at the Spanish embassy, which was bombed Tuesday by attackers who identified themselves as members of the Simon Bolivar Urban Militia Coordinator and the Bolivarian Liberation Force. Leaflets found at the scene of the embassy and the Colombian consulate, the other target, accused the two countries of intervening in Venezuelan affairs -- comments similar to those made by Chavez on Sunday. Government supporters blamed the attacks on opposition groups trying to poison world opinion against Chavez.)

Venezuelans with no foreign escape route in place are preparing for a very rocky ride over the next few months. The opposition's recent two-month general strike delivered the coup de grace to a sickly economy and left the country facing an economic meltdown that is likely to lead to serious shortages of many basic goods.

Venezuela is highly reliant on imports, but the strike closed ports and affected the oil production that pays for most of the imports. In response, the government has imposed strict currency controls and price restrictions on basic goods.

Producers are still supplying retailers from their pre-strike stocks, but once these are exhausted, the prospects are grim. Even in a best-case scenario, it will take several weeks for new imports to arrive. Importers face long waits to get clearance and dollars from the authorities before they can order goods that must then be brought from the United States, Asia or Europe.

"There will be a gap," warned Sergio Sesti, the general manager of importer S.F.C. "In the two months of the strike, companies used up all their stock, and if it takes 30 to 45 days to get approval to import, then it will be May before any shipments reach us."

At the moment the import situation is only affecting those high-end consumers, whose pets prefer to eat imported brands and who like the occasional dram of imported whisky.

But as Sesti notes, import problems mean many essentials could vanish from supermarket shelves within weeks, while shortages of raw materials could force large swathes of industry to shut down, throwing still more Venezuelans out of work.

In a country that already averages a murder every 10 minutes on weekends, these potential shortages are likely to prove a recipe for looting and violence.

The likely political consequences of any serious disturbances are the subject of intense speculation. Some believe an upsurge in street violence could force the military or the international community to intervene to restore order and oblige Chavez to call elections. Others believe, however, that any disturbances would strengthen Chavez's position by justifying the imposition of a state of emergency.

Critics say Chavez is already moving towards authoritarian rule. Last week, he personally approved the controversial arrest of opposition leader Carlos Fernandez, the head of a business association that had helped organize the general strike.

The president has also said that his government has allowed the opposition to set the political agenda for far too long. In recent speeches, Chavez has told supporters that 2003 will be the decisive year for his "Bolivarian revolution" in favor of the poor.

"We have stopped being on the defensive and now we are going on the attack," Chavez said in a recent speech. "Every Venezuelan should keep this powerful idea, this powerful belief in their heart: this will be the victorious attack of the Bolivarian offensive."

Venezuelans waiting for his "victorious attack" are flocking to embassies and stocking their cupboards. They know all too well that there are likely to be plenty of storms ahead before the country reaches the president's Sea of Happiness.

Paulina Gamus (Venezuela)

La revolución chavista, al igual que la fidelista, posee un diccionario propio cuya terminología es de difícil comprensión para los no iniciados. No se necesitan académicos de la lengua, de historia ni de ciencias, para corregirlo o aumentarlo. Chávez inventa, modifica, manipula, tuerce, acomoda, revuelve, tritura y licua palabras, conceptos, nombres, fechas y acontecimientos históricos o recientes y sus amanuenses: Ministros, magistrados, jefes militares, parlamentarios, gobernadores y hasta intelectuales con cierto brillo; los asumen de inmediato como su catecismo particular. Algunas veces, sin embargo, la realidad le tranca el serrucho a esa suerte de glosario. Por ejemplo, la palabra golpe y una fecha, el 4 de febrero de 1992, aparecían hasta el mes de abril de 2002, en el capítulo de fechas patrias trascendentales, al lado del 19 de abril de 1810, del 5 de julio de 1811 y de la Batalla de Carabobo. Fieles a esta interpretación de los hechos, los chavistas de todo nivel y grado de instrucción, se unían jubilosos a la celebración presidencial de tan magno suceso. El 11 de ese mes de abril, unos generales y almirantes que parecían buena gente, es decir, incondicionales del Gran Jefe, decidieron desobedecer sus órdenes de disparar contra el pueblo indefenso, Chávez se fue, vino Carmona y le dio un palo a la lámpara, salió Carmona y volvió Chávez, ahora como víctima plañidera nada menos que de un golpe, pero eso si, fascista. El calificativo se incorporó de inmediato al glosario. De esta manera, venezolanos y extranjeros, ciudadanos de este país y de todo el planeta, podrían en lo sucesivo distinguir entre golpes buenos, heroicos, populares, como el que dio Chávez y golpes nefastos y repudiables. Entiéndase, en este caso, cualquier acción destinada a sacar a Chávez del poder, incluida la vía electoral.

Aún nos parece oír los alaridos destemplados del mártir del 11 de abril, cuando el Tribunal Supremo tuvo la osadía de leer otro diccionario y allí encontró que el término vacío de poder, era el aplicable a esos oficiales disidentes. ¡Golpistas, son golpistas! gritaba el ventrílocuo, ¡Golpistas, golpistas! repetían los muñecos del susodicho, en la Asamblea Nacional y en todos los foros nacionales e internacionales. Golpista la Coordinadora Democrática, golpista el paro cívico nacional, golpistas los empresarios, golpistas los trabajadores petroleros en huelga, golpistas los medios de comunicación, golpistas los millones de venezolanos que marchaban y marchan, que recolectaban y recolectan firmas para que Chávez se mida electoralmente. Golpista todo el que quiere que Chávez desaparezca del mapa y así este país recupere una mínima normalidad. Y así, con millones de golpistas de todas las edades, sexos, colores, profesiones, oficios, condiciones económicas y clases sociales, llegamos al 4 de febrero de 2003.

¿Qué hacer? ¿Celebrar o pasar agachados? That is the question. No contábamos con la astucia del bombero mayor del régimen. En medio de aquel lánguido acto recordatorio, una idea genial vino a la mente del adulador ilustrado: El 4 de febrero del 92 hubo un golpe de opinión. Algunos periodistas, impertinentes como siempre, pidieron que se explicara mejor: Es que ese fue un movimiento apoyado por todo el pueblo contra la corrupción, etcétera, blablabla. Las palabras fracaso, soledad, ni un alma en las calles para secundarlos, rendición, muertos, asedio criminal y cobarde contra la residencia presidencial, donde solo había mujeres, niños y trabajadores domésticos; no existen en el diccionario enciclopédico de la revolución bolivariana. ¿Y los decretos frustrados de los golpistas Chávez y CIA? No dejaban títere con cabeza, ni siquiera gobernadores y alcaldes recién electos por vez primera ni Corte Suprema ni Congreso. Uno de esos decretos creaba el Comité de Salud Pública, una copia disfrazada del Comité de Salvación Pública, que le permitió a Robespierre guillotinar a media Francia. Y aquello, con su saldo de muertos, heridos, atropellos, violaciones constitucionales y toda clase de barbaridades, fue apenas de opinión.Este aporte a la semántica chavista nos permite al menos entender algo: Nadie es asesino, golpista, cobarde, corrupto, asaltante, tomista, malandro, saboteador, bruto, patán, abusador, jalamecate, sumiso, arrastrado o indigno, mientras preste servicios al que escribe el diccionario. La palabra eructo la acaba de incorporar como sinónimo de fidelidad revolucionaria.

www.canada.com Canadian Press Tuesday, February 25, 2003

CARACAS (AP) - Two powerful explosions minutes apart damaged the Spanish embassy and the Colombian consulate in the Venezuelan capital early Tuesday, injuring four people and raising tensions in a city still recovering from a bitter anti-government strike.

Broken glass covered the street outside both buildings while windows in residences almost a block away were shattered by the force of the explosion. Steel gates at the buildings were twisted. Leaflets supporting President Hugo Chavez's so-called "Bolivarian Revolution," a political movement loosely based on the writings of 19th century independence hero Simon Bolivar, were found outside the Spanish Embassy.

"We believe these were very potent bombs judging by the damage done," said the mayor of Caracas' Chacao district, Leopoldo Lopez.

The first blast was outside the Spanish embassy in eastern Caracas at about 2 a.m. The second explosion, 15 minutes later, rocked the Colombian consulate. The blasts lightly injured four people, including a night watchmen, Lopez said.

The explosions came a two days after Chavez warned Colombia and Spain, among other countries, not to meddle in Venezuela's domestic affairs.

Both countries had expressed concern over the arrest of opposition leader Carlos Fernandez, who was arrested last week for his role in leading a two-month general strike against Chavez.

Federal agents are trying to hunt down another opposition leader, labour boss Carlos Ortega, who is also wanted for alleged crimes linked to the work stoppage.

Authorities said no arrests had been made in connection with the two explosions early Tuesday morning.

Chavez responded angrily Sunday to foreign critics of the charges against the two strike leaders. He directed warnings at some members of a "Group of Friends" initiative created to bolster the negotiating process.

"Don't mess with our affairs!" Chavez said, singling out Cesar Gaviria, secretary general of the Organization of American States, the United States, Spain and Colombia.

On Monday, opposition representatives sent a letter to Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim, co-ordinator of the "Friends" group, calling for an urgent to discuss "the worsening of the Venezuelan situation."

OAS-mediated negotiations, which were suspended last week because Gaviria had other commitments abroad, are slated to resume on Wednesday.

www.globeandmail.com Associated Press

Caracas — Every night for two months, Venezuelans knew where to find Carlos Ortega. The labour leader was sure be standing before cameras in Caracas, predicting the imminent downfall of President Hugo Chavez.

"The dictator's days are numbered," Mr. Ortega would thunder at his news conferences, flanked by business leader Carlos Fernandez.

Now Mr. Ortega, the leader of the strike that failed to oust Mr. Chavez, is in hiding, charged with treason and rebellion. Mr. Fernandez, accused of similar crimes, was seized by federal agents last week and is under house arrest.

Mr. Chavez wants both men sentenced to at least 20 years in prison for inflicting pain and suffering on Venezuelans with a strike that crushed the economy.

"See how the others are running to hide," he mocked in a speech after Mr. Fernandez's arrest.

Hiding is uncharacteristic of Mr. Ortega, the most visible and pugnacious of Mr. Chavez's opponents. He is the only government opponent to claim a measure of victory against Chavez since the leftist president was elected in 1998 and re-elected in 2000.

As president of Venezuela's biggest oil workers union, Fedepetrol, Mr. Ortega led a four-day strike in 2000 for back pay and a collective contract for 20,000 workers. Mr. Chavez ceded on both counts.

Mr. Ortega subsequently rose to the top of the Venezuelan Workers Confederation, or CTV, which boasts one million members. In a bid to grasp control of the labour movement, Mr. Chavez called a nationwide election for CTV leaders over the protests of the International labour Organization, which argued union elections were a private matter.

Since then, though, Mr. Ortega hasn't been so successful against Mr. Chavez.

Last year, he joined his labour forces with Fedecamaras, the leading business chamber, and convoked a general strike in April of 2002 to support striking oil workers. Workers were upset with Mr. Chavez's intervention in Venezuela's semiautonomous state oil monopoly.

Mr. Ortega urged thousands to march on Miraflores, the presidential palace. Nineteen people died during the march, which prompted a two-day coup.

Mr. Chavez returned to power when an interim government composed mostly of business executives abolished Venezuela's constitution. Mr. Ortega seethed on the sidelines.

Mr. Ortega was last seen in public Wednesday, a day after a warrant for his arrest was issued. Alfredo Ramos, executive secretary of the CTV, said Mr. Ortega is moving from safehouse to safehouse.

"He will stay underground because there is no guarantee for his physical safety. He's received numerous death threats," Ramos said.

Mr. Ortega's whereabouts have become a national obsession. Rumors have put him in Aruba, Colombia or in remote ranches on Venezuela's vast central plains.

"He probably left the country already, but that bandit could be anywhere," said Ramon Ramirez, a construction worker who supports Mr. Chavez.

The latest strike, which ended Feb. 4 in all but the oil industry, cost Venezuela more than $4-billion (U.S.), created shortages of food and medicines, and forced the world's fifth-largest oil exporter to import gasoline.

The strike focused attention on Venezuela's simmering political crisis but failed to bring about either early elections or Mr. Chavez's ouster.

The future of talks mediated by Cesar Gaviria, secretary-general of the Organization of American States, is in doubt.

Mr. Chavez responded angrily Sunday to foreign critics of the charges against the two strike leaders. He directed warnings at some members of a "Group of Friends" initiative created to bolster the negotiating process.

"Don't mess with our affairs!" Mr. Chavez said, singling out Mr. Gaviria, the United States, Spain and Colombia.

Opposition representatives on Monday sent a letter to Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim, co-ordinator of the "Friends" group, calling for an urgent meeting to discuss "the worsening of the Venezuelan situation."