www.etaiwannews.com 2003-03-10 / Associated Press / CARACAS, Venezuela

Secret police fired shots into the air and launched tear gas canisters at an anti-government rally in a failed attempt to arrest an opposition strike leader.

A crowd of protesters attacked the police vehicles with sticks and stones as they swooped in Saturday to try to seize former oil executive Juan Fernandez. Several vehicles' windshields were broken.

Minutes earlier, Fernandez had emerged from hiding to briefly address the opposition crowd gathered on Caracas highway demanding justice in Venezuela. He was then whisked away by supporters in a waiting car.

Thousands of flag-waving opponents of President Hugo Chavez rallied Saturday in support of the strike leaders while Chavez applauded the arrest of a man accused of slaying four anti-government protesters.

Protesters blocked off traffic and shouted anti-Chavez slogans. Many carried placards with messages like "No to judicial terrorism!" while others waved peace signs.

The protest was called to show support for opposition leaders who led a failed two-month strike against Chavez. One of the leaders is under house arrest and several others, including Fernandez, are on the run from authorities.

Fernandez received rapturous applause for his crowd-pleasing stunt. He warned Chavez to "pack his bag because we are going to get rid of him."

Chavez said Saturday his foes were responsible for recent high profile crimes -- including the bombing of Colombian and Spanish diplomatic missions in Caracas -- in an attempt to smear his government. No one has been arrested for the blasts.

"By God and my mother, there will be justice!" he roared at an event celebrating International Women's Day. Chavez praised the arrest of a man in connection with the murder of three dissident soldiers and an anti-government activist whose bodies were found bound and tortured last month.

Detectives discarded political motives for the murders, saying the evidence pointed toward personal revenge.

Police captured Tayro Aristiguieta in a Caracas slum after his picture was positively identified by witnesses to the crime. Chavez said Aristiguieta had already confessed to the killings.

Businessman Carlos Fernandez, a prominent leader in the devastating national strike, remains under house arrest on charges of rebellion and incitement.

Strike co-leader Carlos Ortega, president of the Venezuelan Workers Confederation, is in hiding after a warrant was issued for his arrest last month.

Seven other strike leaders, all employees of the state oil monopoly Petroleos de Venezuela SA before being fired for joining the stoppage, also are being hunted by police.

Over 16,000 of PDVSA's 38,000 employees have been fired since the strike began Dec. 2. Critics say the loss of staff has seriously weakened the multinational company, which provides up to 80 percent of Venezuela's export earnings.

But Chavez said this week the oil industry was no longer in an emergency and would be able to fulfill its business contracts for the first time in three months. He said production was up to 2.6 million barrels a day compared with 3.1 million before the strike; fired PDVSA managers say production is at 1.9 million barrels a day.

Also Saturday, soldiers were sent into the streets to launch a new government food distribution scheme, selling cut price staples at open air markets in poor neighborhoods nationwide.

The initiative comes ahead of predicted food shortages by opposition producers who say they cannot continue operations under the government's new price controls.

Fixed prices for basic goods like meat, rice and medicines were introduced as inflation -- fueled by a rapidly devaluating bolivar currency -- threatened to spiral out of control early this year. Inflation reached 8.3 percent in January and February.

The government also imposed exchange controls and fixed the currency at 1598 bolivars per dollar.

Peace talks being mediated by the Organization of American States continued, with officials searching for a solution to Venezuela's acute political standoff. But after four months the negotiations have failed to come close to solving the problem.

The opposition wants early elections on Chavez's presidency, claiming he has undermined the country's democratic institutions and done more harm than good to the national economy.

Chavez, who was first elected in 1998 and re-elected in 2000, says his foes are "coup-plotters" who want to replace him with the old status quo, when power was concentrated in an elite political and economic minority for decades.

www.vheadline.com Posted: Sunday, March 09, 2003 By: Robert Rudnicki

Rebel Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) executive Juan Fernandez narrowly escaped arrest after addressing an anti-government demonstration in Chacao, Caracas, over the weekend.  An arrest warrant was issued for Fernandez several weeks ago and since then he and other PDVSA strike leaders have gone into hiding.

• However, Fernandez briefly came out of hiding to address the demonstration and was able to escape before security police could get to the area.

When the police arrived opposition supporters tried to prevent them carrying out their duties and their vehicles were attacked with sticks and stones. Police responded by firing shots into the air and using tear gas to disperse the crowd.

www.vcrisis.com Emilio Figueredo 28 December 2002

Some international press representatives find it difficult to understand what is happening in Venezuela. For many of them there is no way to explain why the opposition cannot wait until August in order to have a revocatory referendum. A few, also, have bought the regime©ˆs argument that there is a conspiracy to oust the legitimately elected government of president Chávez. Then there are those who no longer act in good faith and see everything as a showing of racism. I feel bound to clarify on each of these arguments. First, both the consulting referendum sought by the opposition and the revocatory one, suggested yet not proposed by the government, are contemplated in the Constitution. In fact, President Chávez made use, on ore than a single occasion, of the consulting referendum, when he had a solid majority backing him. The revocatory referendum, as provided by the Constitution, has provisions that make it hard to apply against officers having been elected with an important volume of votes. In order to be applied, this referendum requires that the amount of votes cast is at least one more vote than all those obtained by the officer when elected. In other words, even if the popularity may have been reduced to minute levels, the original figure must still be overcome. In the case of President Chávez, this would not be a major hurdle, since according to all polls 75% of the voters would cast their votes against him. This would indeed give a number much higher than that of his election. One must underline a specially relevant fact, inasmuch as it has induced the international press to say that there is now ay to understand the opposition©ˆs impatience, insisting on calling for a consulting referendum úa non-biding oneú in February, when they may get the same results with a binding effect in August. What the international press does not show is that there is no way of holding the revocatory referendum in August because the Constitution provides that it may only be held after more than half of the presidential term has gone by and this half is not, as Chávez says, on August 19, it is in February 2004. Why do we hold this? Because if it is true that Chávez was inaugurated in his second term on August 19, 2000, the Supreme Tribunal of Justice, in a disputed decision added to his term five months and twelve days, alleging that the period that it called transitory úsome kind of supra-constitutional limboú could not be taken into account and ruled, accordingly that his term ended on February 2, 2007. Now then, if we assume that úprovided the government does not put any hurdlesú one needs at least 30 days to gather the signatures moving for the call of the referendum, ate least 60 additional days for the electoral body to process the information and formally call for it, then the referendum would be held, if everything works under schedule, on May 2. If Chávez©ˆs mandate is revoked, a new election would be called (for thirty days after); some additional 30 days would be needed to register the nominations of the several candidates and 60 more for the electoral campaign. With all these requirements met, we would be electing a new President on September of the year 2004. As it may be clearly seen this would imply that Chávez would be in office for 21 months. Quite clearly, this is unbearable for most of the Venezuelan people. So, my dear friends of the international press don©ˆt buy the story that we are only talking of a six months©ˆ difference! The thesis of the conspiracy has been clearly refuted by the eminently civic and democratic of the people on the streets. A call for elections is the protest©ˆs theme and in order that they may be held Chávez must resign. It is worth pointing out that the opposition is fully aware of the fact that it will have to face Chávez in the elections since it is not preventing him from being once more a candidate. The other outcomes, in the hands of the Assembly are: the constitutional amendment, the constitutional reform or even the call for a new Constituent Assembly. What turns out being fundamental is not only the original legitimating but also that of his performance, one that may only be recovered through the majority decision of the sovereign people. A true democrat is not afraid of electoral tests. The thesis of racism is really exotic. Venezuela, after the federal war, has never again been ruled by an economic oligarchy. The Venezuelan presidents, in their majority, have come from popular sectors, as it was the case with Rómulo Betancourt, Jaime Lusinchi and the very same Carlos Andrés Pérez. The color of the skin has never been an obstacle when trying to reach any political position. Among other presidential candidates we had, for example, Luis Beltrán Prieto Figueroa and Claudio Fermín and neither of them may be called an Aryan. We could also mention many ministers, ambassadors and governors. But if we want to be sharper, even the father of our nation, Simón Bolívar the Liberator, was a clear example of our nation©ˆs mixture of races. The movement out on the street, spontaneously, waving flags, blowing whistles and banging on pans is made of all races, all social levels, and all ages. To believe that we are dealing just with a middle class movement, is an optical error based on old prejudices and on the will to caricature the Venezuelan reality. What is out on the streets is what the Venezuelan anthem proclaims: ©¯Glory to the brave people thrust by the yoke, abiding to the law, virtue and honor©˜.

chavezmustgo.homestead.com

As self-denominated intellectuals parrot a mentally deficient Chávez' and his side-kick the decrepit Jose Vicente Rangel's ramblings and accusations of Fascists in every closet, one wonders what the Bandera Roja (communist) and Movimiento Al Socialismo (socialists) members of the Opposition are thinking? Fascists? Us? Them? Whoa! Wait a sceond, this game of reversing the table works for both sides, but guys (and gals) we are dealing with a delirious man, who although he may not have the hitlerian brains, he follows the same path of division and destruction. Genocide is likely to follow as he talks about "darker skinned" people and the intellectuals in the U.S. and Europe just scoop up the mounds of feces and stuff it down their gullets with more thirst and hunger than ever? So what is the bottom line? Well my theory is that thwarted in an election that sent Gore into early retirment and a failed book circuit, totally put Clinton into the back burner, the liberals are left broken-toothed. Dubya is in power and that hurts (Even I will concede that!). What hurts even more is that he is now rattling sabers to kick some Iraqi derriere and oh well.... They can't stop it. Now the howl and moan that "Bush pushes for change" "The CIA is instigating a coup in Venezuela"... Morons, take a look at this website - these are not trick photos. I know you haven't a speck of bravery to come down to Venezuela and not take my word for it. You will just doubt and say that the photos taken and contributed by random photographers are an Adobe Photoshop mastery. Morons I say. Cushy heated homes boggle your brains as you allow a society to languish. Guess what? Bush is not involved, why? Bush family business is in the Middle East - and while his bank accounts are not affected by any Venezuelan half-assed dictator, he really does not care.... So what about all the "Coup Attempts?" There was the self-inflcited coup where Chavez hired the guy that "couped" him, so explain that in your Oliver Stonian fantasies? We have lots of Macaws in the part of the jungle that hasn't been torched... they sound much like you. On February 2, 2003 FOUR MILLION people - more than those that VOTED for Chavez, voted for his removal - that is not CIA-backed terrorism, it's called POPULAR REVOLT. Listen and learn.

mapage.noos.fr por Manuel Malaver Domingo, 23  de Febrero 2003

No creo que exista una diferencia esencial entre la frase: “Elegir las víctimas, prepararlo todo minuciosamente, apagar la sed de una implacable venganza, y luego irse a dormir tranquilamente... no hay nada más agradable en el mundo” que Kamenev y Dzerzhinsky atribuían a Stalin y esta de: “Me acosté con una sonrisa. Y mandé a buscar a la 1:00 de la mañana un dulce de lechoza muy rico que me mandó mi mamá para degustarlo” con la que Hugo Chávez contó en un discurso  su reacción ante la noticia de que un grupo de hombres armados había detenido y atropellado al presidente de Fedecámaras, Carlos Fernández.          Es verdad que entre una y otra frase media casi un siglo, y que mayor es la hondura en lo que se refiere a establecer la trascendencia  de los sucesos que las provocaron y los hombres que las dijeron, pero no hay duda que son distancias que se borran en cuanto percibimos que, tanto en la Rusia que aún no deletreaba el alfabeto del totalitarismo, como en la Venezuela que  ya lee sus primeras letras, reinaba y reina el mismo tirano.         Nombres de autócratas que podrían no decir mucho, sino fuera porque, a parte de la cauda de víctimas que cargan tras sus sombras, se suceden con tal recurrencia que ya pareciera que la especie instituyó la imposibilidad de no incurrir en ellos.        Lo doloroso es que aparecen con cualquier pretexto, ya sea del orden, o del desorden,  de la religión, o del ateismo, del bien o del mal, pero siempre con la propuesta de que su causa es la causa de la salvación y corresponde, por tanto, imponerla a sangre y fuego.        O sea, al margen de la constitución y las leyes, como que conviene a los instantes de degustación del dictador, hacerlo en solitario y a escondidas y al abrigo de intrusos que puedan interrumpirlo en su placer.        Por eso hay que guerrear también contra la palabra, sea la dicha o la impresa, contra la libertad, sea de pensamiento o de acción, porque si hay que decir algo es que el tirano está despierto, o dormido, y no conviene molestarlo.       Se trata, en definitiva,  del dictador tranquilo y silencioso, degustador y catador, que más allá de los prejuicios que puedan obligarlo a deslizar una lágrima en público, o un “no es que uno tenga odio contra nadie” no siente empacho en admitir que nada como el primer alarido de la víctima para retirarse a dormir sosegado, mientras disfruta el dulce de lechoza casero que le mandó su mamá.        Siniestro alarde de terror cuya expresión más concentrada no hay duda que fue patentada en la frase que dos revolucionarios rusos decían haberle oído a Stalin, pero que pudo escucharse también en cualquiera de los palacios desde donde los más crueles dictadores de la historia hicieron del siglo XX “el siglo de las cruces”.        Están regresando en los inicios del siglo XXI, cuando ya parecía  que los totalitarismos habían sido exorcizados de una vez y para siempre y en un país de la América del Sur que hizo algo para que la democracia dejara de ser una promesa y contribuyera a que la paz, la igualdad, el bienestar, y la justicia social no fueran más un espejismo en el subcontinente.        Qué pasó para que las agujas del reloj histórico retrocedieran no es tema de este artículo, pero sí lo es llamar la atención sobre el hecho de cómo no basta cuán estable y consolidada luzca una democracia para que de su seno salgan las espadas y cuchillos dirigidas a asesinarla, a defenestrarla.        Empuñados por mentes frías, despiadadas y alevosas, que ya no expresan “su satisfacción” a medianoche y mientras se dirigen a sus guaridas después de oír el parte de guerra que le traen los sicarios, sino a plena luz del día, en cadenas de radio y televisión, y como para  que los oigan amigos y enemigos, nacionales y extranjeros, y ellos también se vayan a dormir, pero temblando deterror, de pavor, de miedo.        Porque no es solo que en el caso de Hugo Chávez se trata de un dictador amigo de gritar lo que hace, sino que como lo hace recurriendo a triquiñuelas como esa “de que se trata de una decisión judicial y hay que respetarla”,  entonces cree que el atropello, no solo hay que acatarlo, sino celebrarlo.        Si conocemos, por el contrario, que se trata de una decisión dimanada de un sistema judicial corrupto y que el juez, Maikel Moreno, de cuyo tribunal salió la orden de detención contra Carlos Fernández, es un militante del MVR que hace meses defendió a un asesino confeso pero compañero de partido, caemos en la cuenta  que se trata del mismo mecanismo que a finales de la década de los 30 instruyó los “Juicios de Moscú”.        Y es que no es nueva esta pretensión de los dictadores de cubrir sus arbitrariedades con la hoja de parra de la legalidad, siendo que, de haber cometido delitos, tanto Carlos Fernández,  como Carlos Ortega, lo hicieron  durante dos meses, y a plena luz del día, es decir, en flagrancia, y entonces el fiscal Vyshinsky, mejor dicho, Isaías Rodríguez, tendría que dar cuenta de tamaña denegación de justicia.        Ah, pero hace dos meses la ola de la oposición democrática estaba en ascenso y era imprudente detener a dos de sus líderes, que de haber dado la orden, es seguro habrían tomado Miraflores y mandado a Chávez, y a su fiscal y  jueces, a repasar sus lecciones de totalitarismo en otro rincón del territorio continental.        Tampoco se tenía a mano el juez y el tribunal adecuados, y mucho menos se encontraba ausente de Caracas el secretario general de la OEA, César Gaviria, cuyos pasos hay que vigilar muy de cerca, para que, en cuanto se descuide, o se marche del país, empezar a disparar a mansalva, como en el lejano oeste.        Tal sucedió con los nuevos muertos de Altamira, el atropello a los médicos del hospital “Domingo Luciani” y esta razzia de órdenes judiciales que al parecer aspirar a meter entre rejas a más de las dos terceras partes de los habitantes del país.        Porque esta “revolución bonita” se cuida como ninguna de las formas, y prefiere atropellar invocando la constitución, las leyes y la defensa de los derechos humanos, antes de admitir que es otra “revolución fea” y como tal no le queda más remedio que enfrentar el rechazo que provocan las cosas feas, o ir al cirujano plástico a remodelarse.        Tendencia que no debería descartarse, pero solo si no existiera esta suerte de doctor Frankestein, que no es solo que llega cada madrugada del cementerio con más miasmas extraídas de las tumbas  que al día siguiente adicionará a su esperpento, sino que se duerme tranquilo, con una sonrisa y degustando dulce de lechoza.