Adamant: Hardest metal

Workers mark May Day in many countries with protests over labour issues 

channelnewsasia.com First created : 02 May 2003 0736 hrs (SST) 2336 hrs (GMT) Last modified : 02 May 2003 0748 hrs (SST) 2348 hrs (GMT)

Many around the world have used the traditional May Day rallies to protest over labour and political issues.

While most marches have been fairly peaceful, one person was killed in Venezuela when gunfire disrupted a massive demonstration against the government.Advertisement Violence also marred May Day events in parts of Europe.

One million protestors marched throughout Germany, double last year's estimates.

Some of the rallies turned violent in Berlin, leading to police to use water cannon and tear gas to disperse the crowd.

Over 100 people were arrested from various marches.

In London, May Day marches by anti-capitalist demonstrators went ahead largely without incident despite anarchists preparing a hit-list of more than 50 "companies of mass destruction".

Scuffles broke out for a while, but it was nothing the 4,000 police officers mobilised in the British capital could not handle.

There were some clashes too in Turkey where marchers demonstrated against the US, the International Monetary Fund and the US-led war against Iraq.

But there was no violence in France where tens of thousands of workers took to the streets to press home their opposition to the government's reform of the pension system.

Peru Grants Asylum to 2 Venezuelan Military Officers (Update1)

By Inti Landauro

Lima, April 27 (<a href=quote.bloomberg.com>Bloomberg) -- Peru granted political asylum to two retired Venezuelan military officers who participated in a civil disobedience campaign against President Hugo Chavez, bringing to five the number of Venezuelans who received asylum in the past year.

The Peruvian Foreign Ministry said in a statement it granted asylum to retired military officers Wismerck Martinez and Jose Landaeta. They will go to Peru immediately after Venezuela authorizes the travel, the statement said. The pair applied for asylum on Thursday.

The Peruvian ministry gave no details as to why it accepted the officers' request. The Dominican Republic Embassy in Caracas is still considering the request of two other officers who applied for asylum on Thursday.

Martinez and Landaeta are the latest Venezuelan opposition leaders to receive asylum in the past year since a military coup deposed Chavez for two days in April last year. They follow Carlos Ortega, a union leader, who was granted asylum last month by Costa Rica.

Dissident military officers took over Plaza Francia in the upper-class neighborhood of Altamira in October, calling for civil disobedience against Chavez. The officers, who now number more than 100, have promised to stay in the square until Chavez resigns.

Two of the officers have been arrested this year, while another three were murdered. Investigations into the murders are continuing.

Venezuelan newspapers reported yesterday that security forces have stepped up patrols at the country's embassies to prevent other officers from seeking asylum.

Peru Grants Asylum to Two Venezuelan Army Officers

<a href=www.voanews.com>VOA News 27 Apr 2003, 18:03 UTC

Peru has granted asylum to two Venezuelan army officers who fear reprisals for their opposition to President Hugo Chavez's government. The men, Wismerck Martinez Medina and Gilberto Landaeta Vielma, took refuge in the Peruvian embassy in the capital Caracas last week.

Peru's Ministry of Foreign Relations issued a statement Sunday, saying the two retired officers would travel to Peru as soon as Venezuela approves the move.

The men have been accused of participating in a massive protest against Mr. Chavez in October.

Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic is studying an asylum request from two other army captains who took refuge in the country's embassy last week.

The attorney representing brothers Ricardo and Alfredo Salazar says the men have received death threats for their alleged role in a failed coup against President Chavez last April.

The four officers are the latest Chavez opponents to seek asylum.

In March, Venezuelan labor leader Carlos Ortega went into exile in Costa Rica to avoid prosecution for treason for organizing a two-month strike that failed to oust President Chavez.

The president's opponents accuse him of driving the world's fifth-largest oil exporter into economic ruin and trying to model the country after communist-run Cuba. Mr. Chavez says his enemies seek to undermine his self-styled revolution.

Venezuelan Land Reform: ballyhoo about revolutionary reform is mostly political noise

<a href=www.vheadline.com>Venezuela's Electronic News Posted: Sunday, April 27, 2003 By: Gustavo Coronel

VHeadline.com commentarist Gustavo Coronel writes: Up to the 1920s agriculture was the key economic activity in Venezuela.  After that year, petroleum production had two effects: 1. It took hands away from agricultural work and 2. Expanded food demand, which had to be satisfied with increasing imports. World War 2 made imports difficult and this led to policies of import substitution which started in the 1950s.

In those years the government put together a special Commission to analyze the issue of Land Reform and their recommendations served the basis for the Law of Agrarian Reform, passed in 1960.

Historically all of Latin America has had a very uneven distribution of land. During the 1960s, 3% of Venezuelan land holdings contained 70% of adequate land. The Agrarian Reform, started in 1960 led to a program of land redistribution which allowed 140,000 families to become owners of redistributed lands between 1960 and 1976.

About 20 million acres were redistributed ... some 30% of all available land. Although very important, this effort fell short of expectations since only 25% of the land redistributed was of prime quality ... the average size of new holdings was too small, some 25 acres.

The execution of the program was slow and poorly coordinated, while financial resources allocated were insufficient. Credits were generally small. Technical assistance was weak and collective farms poorly run. Much was done from the top down without full participation by the farmers. Still ... the reform did create a new class of rural owners and had a modest but positive social and economic impact in rural areas.

Petroleum became the main enemy of agrarian reform ... the country had too many petroleum dollars and the traditionally overvalued currency made food imports much cheaper than local products. The Venezuelan population became almost totally urban ... almost 95% today. Governments developed an urban bias which directed most financial resources to the cities, where the votes were (and are).

In November 2001, President Chavez issued a Decree-Law called Law of Lands & Agrarian Development. This Decree was passed, together with 40 other ones, as part of a blanket delegation of authority given to the President by the National Assembly.  As such it did not have the benefit of open, democratic discussion among affected sectors and this created an immediately strong resistance on the part of land owners and political sectors opposed to the government.

The Decree-Law has a strong political flavor, as part of a "revolutionary" program, which tends to overshadow its progressive, economic potential benefits. The "Exposicion de Motivos" ... the conceptual framework ... lists as the instrument's main objectives: a fair distribution of wealth, elimination of "latifundios" (large land holdings), protection of the environment and guarantee of national food security. These are all reasonable objectives.

However, the Decree-Law gives government bureaucrats almost total discretionary authority to intervene all lands (public and private) which could be suitable for production.

The concept of private property is redefined to make it dependent on "public utility" or "general interest" ... as defined by the government. This largely puts private owners in the hands of government bureaucrats who might, or might not, be politically-motivated (revolutionaries) or economically motivated (corrupt).

In this sense the Decree-Law clearly exceeds the limits of government authority stipulated under Article 115 of the current 1999 Constitution.

The government will promote agrarian cooperativism ... theoretically a reasonable approach. In practice, however, this strategy has not been successful in the now defunct Soviet Union or in Cuba, where most food production came, or comes, from landholdings outside of the collective farms.

The Decree-Law introduces an interesting concept of "ownership" for future holders of redistributed lands i.e. the holding will "belong" to the beneficiary or his descendants as long as it remains fully productive, as defined by the government and can not be sold. This sounds very fair.

The lands will be divided into three categories: Idle (ociosas), Improvable and in full production. The characteristics of each category are determined by government officers and, inevitably, will be largely subjective. For example, lands "in full production" would not be merely those in full production but those producing the crops that the government thinks advisable. This means that no landholdings are free of intervention by the State at any given point in time and can be given over to new holders.

The National Agrarian Institute (IAN) is being liquidated and replaced by three new Institutes: the Institute of Lands (INTI),the Venezuelan Agrarian Corporation and the National Institute of Rural Development ... this transition is presently under way, and is already in a state of great disarray. The three institutes will share many gray areas of administrative responsibilities and the lack of a proper coordinating agency will no doubt allow for endless confusion and "turf" conflicts.

The Decree-Law contains 281 articles, of which the last 100 are dedicated to legal procedures related to the activities. Articles 17, 37 to 45 and 89 give government officers an unlimited and undesirable power to intervene all lands, allow squatters into the properties and place the burden of proof of ownership on the owners themselves. Since the administrative procedures will be lengthy and complex, the occupation of these lands can extend for an indefinite amount of time.

I found Article 128 interesting since it requires that the president of the Institute of Lands be a person "of a remarkable career in the Agrarian sector." The current president is Adan Chavez, the elder brother of President Chavez, and his career has not been remarkable in any sector.

I have read in some detail, as an exercise in mortification, the 281 Articles of the Decree-Law and have to say that it is strongly statist and contains articles which are of clear confiscatory nature.

The major blunder, perhaps, has to do with articles 19, 20 in which the "conuco" ( a small patch of land worked by a farmer in a very primitive way) is consecrated as one of the pillars of the Venezuelan agrarian activity. Work and permanence of "conuqueros" would be guaranteed by the government and assistance would be given to continue in their "traditional" activities.

The "conuco" is the most damaging manner to do farming as it involves systematic deforestation and burning of hill slopes, promoting erosion and destroying the biodiversity, exactly what the Decree-Law pretends to defend. This is equivalent to instituting the Oxen Cart as the preferred manner of transportation for 21st century international travel. Stupid, if you pardon my French.

What seems to be true, so far, is that all this ballyhoo about revolutionary land reform is mostly political noise.

Invasions (squatting) are taking place under the protection of the government ... a few chaotic experiments are taking place in Tachira and Zulia ... some people have already been killed.

  • The political component of reform was put in motion much before the planning, the programs and the technical inputs appeared.

The great risk is that only the political component will exist without a real organized reform taking place. This risk is great because the government bureaucracy has already given abundant signs of an abysmal incompetence.

This is one of the Venezuelan problems that make waiting for the Referendum a nail biting affair...

Gustavo Coronel is the founder and president of Agrupacion Pro Calidad de Vida (The Pro-Quality of Life Alliance), a Caracas-based organization devoted to fighting corruption and the promotion of civic education in Latin America, primarily Venezuela. A member of the first board of directors (1975-1979) of Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), following nationalization of Venezuela's oil industry, Coronel has worked in the oil industry for 28 years in the United States, Holland, Indonesia, Algiers and in Venezuela. He is a Distinguished alumnus of the University of Tulsa (USA) where he was a Trustee from 1987 to 1999. Coronel led the Hydrocarbons Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Washington DC for 5 years. The author of three books and many articles on Venezuela ("Curbing Corruption in Venezuela." Journal of Democracy, Vol. 7, No. 3, July, 1996, pp. 157-163), he is a fellow of Harvard University and a member of the Harvard faculty from 1981 to 1983.  In 1998, he was presidential election campaign manager for Henrique Salas Romer and now lives in retirement on the Caribbean island of Margarita where he runs a leading Hotel-Resort.  You may contact Gustavo Coronel at email gustavo@vheadline.com

Our editorial statement reads: VHeadline.com Venezuela is a wholly independent e-publication promoting democracy in its fullest expression and the inalienable right of all Venezuelans to self-determination and the pursuit of sovereign independence without interference. We seek to shed light on nefarious practices and the corruption which for decades has strangled this South American nation's development and progress. Our declared editorial bias is pro-democracy and pro-Venezuela ... which some may wrongly interpret as anti-American. Roy S. Carson, Editor/Publisher Editor@VHeadline.com    © 2003 VHeadline.com All Rights Reserved.  Privacy Policy Website Design, hosting and administration by: Integradesign.ca 

Vatican Urges Clemency for Jailed Cuban Dissidents

<a href=www.voanews.com>VOA News 26 Apr 2003, 18:32 UTC

Pope John Paul II has urged Cuban President Fidel Castro to show clemency to about 75 political dissidents jailed in a recent crackdown. The Vatican said Saturday the pope sent a letter to the communist leader expressing his "deep sorrow" over the imprisonment of the dissidents. The letter also expressed the pope's "profound pain" over the execution of three men who had attempted to hijack a ferry to the United States.

The pope's appeal follows an international outcry over the Cuban crackdown. The April 11 executions ended a three-year moratorium on capital punishment in Cuba.

On Friday, Mr. Castro made a televised speech, defending the sentences against the hijackers because of what he called the threat of military confrontation with the United States. The Cuban leader accused the U.S. government and anti-Castro exiles in Florida of plotting to provoke a mass exodus of citizens from Cuba as a pretext for military intervention.

He said the execution of the three men by firing squad was meant to deter more Cubans from taking violent measures to leave the island. The ferry hijacking on April 2 followed two successful hijackings of passenger planes to Florida within two weeks.

The crackdown in Cuba led to violence in Venezuela Saturday, where supporters and opponents of Mr. Castro clashed outside the Cuban embassy in Caracas. Police used tear gas to separate the two groups, which were throwing rocks and bottles at each other.

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