Political opponents of Chavez try to court Venezuela's poor

IHT, By Juan Forero NYT Thursday, June 12, 2003   This gritty, working-class district in the western end of metropolitan Caracas, with its jumbled brick homes and towering housing projects, is said to be fiercely loyal to President Hugo Chavez and sharply opposed to those who call for his removal. But in a two-story, nondescript building in the heart of Catia, in a dank room with fluorescent lights and bare walls, a group of political activists are plotting subversion. Here, Jose Uzcategui, 32, and other activists of First Justice, a political party usually associated with young, affluent professionals from the eastern end of Caracas, talk strategy: Where to go door-to-door to register prospective turncoats who will one day vote against Chavez. What political pitch to make to people who had found resonance in Chavez's class-based rhetoric? The tactics, while low-key, represent a sea change from the past for a large but unwieldy opposition out to end Chavez's tumultuous rule. The president's foes had loudly and publicly claimed the poor were largely opposed to the left-leaning president, as they started a failed coup and four national strikes that devastated the economy. But now, with Venezuelans preparing for what may be their last shot at ending Chavez's presidency - a referendum that could take place later this year - the opposition is taking small, tentative steps to strike a chord with the poor. The strategy is crucial since the government has already begun aggressive efforts to reinforce its support by registering voters and ratcheting up small-scale social programs. "We want the people to hear from us what we are about," said Uzcategui a butcher shop owner who lives in a poor barrio and recently joined First Justice. "We want people to know there is an opposition in the barrios." It has not been easy, though. Many people in poor neighborhoods openly reject Democratic Action and Copei, the two corrupt political parties that had ruled Venezuela for years and form important components in the anti-Chavez coalition. "They are seen as spoiled rich kids," said Ronny Silva, 29, who lives in a Catia but opposes Chavez. "There a lot of blind people over there. They need to start offering realities." Many poor Venezuelans also openly distrust individual opposition leaders, whom they view as part of a privileged class that greatly benefited from a succession of Venezuelan governments until Chavez won election in 1998. To many of the poor, Chavez remains a viable option, even if Venezuela's economy is crumbling. "That is Chavez's strength, and until this day it continues to be this way," said Ana Maria Sanjuan, a sociologist at the Central University in Caracas. "Just like the opposition claims Chavez has excluded them from his political decisions, the poor claim Chavez has included them." The sharp divide between many of the poor and the opposition - a gulf Chavez helped create with his high-octane rhetoric - has made it particularly difficult for some government foes to freely express themselves in the hillside slums where the president still has strong support. The threat of violence has, indeed, staunched political activism. Three weeks ago, in a rally in Catia held by Democratic Action, one person was killed and more than 20 injured when gunfire broke out. Though it remains unclear who was responsible, some people in the opposition, including the former secretary general of Democratic Action, say the party was largely at fault and may have provoked the violence. Democratic Action had touted the rally as the "re-conquest" of Catia. "We told them this is not the way to go into that sector, but they rejected what we said," said Arquimedes Espinoza, coordinator of ProCatia, a community organization in Catia that is opposed to Chavez. "The way to go in is to first understand the problems of the people." While loud, raucous anti-Chavez protests are common in the affluent east of Caracas, such rallies can backfire in the poor west. Instead, activists say they prefer to go door to door, taking time to explain their party's position. Political gatherings are often only convened after a neighborhood has been staked out, to ensure there is a welcoming atmosphere. A key is avoiding hard-line government supporters, whom opposition leaders say can react violently to outsiders. "We have people working in Catia, but they must go underground," said Henrique Salas Romer, a former governor who has broken with the opposition coalition and is considered a leading presidential contender. "We are not making any noise." Still, political parties and a host of community organizations opposed to Chavez have started to gear up political activities in poor districts in preparation for the referendum on Chavez's rule. Though a date has not been set, Chavez and his adversaries last month agreed to hold a vote that will ask Venezuelans whether they want him to continue in power. The New York Times